Weekend Open Thread

“The great proof of madness is the disproportion of one’s designs to one’s means.”

–Napoleon Bonaparte

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11 Community Comments, Facebook Comments

  1. 2Jung2Die2Jung2Die says:

    Rhetorical question – if Maulbetsch just wrote a diary about Recall Colorado and the 4 bills they're calling out, and Caldara's latest guest opinion for the Denver Post calls out the same 4 bills, is that some sort of odd coincidence?

    • VoyageurVoyageur says:

      Is Vicky Marble's middle name "Losther"?

    • Stan Weekes says:

      I'm going to recommend to my good friend, Sen Marble,

      that she go with a Sanctuary instead of a secession.

      If the Dems can foist it about immigration issues with the Feds,

      then the various districts/counties should fling it at the State.

       

      • Curmudgeon says:

        I don't know why you think that's a threat – Coloradoans are used to high concentrations of Domestic Abusers and the dangerously mentally ill in Republican strongholds.  

      • MADCO says:

        so… the feds can intrude on the state and compel a state to spend on tasks that are federal purview.  Can the fed make the state build the interstate? build, expand, maintain an Army base?  Can the Army be quartered with us?

        I don't know, seems like states have rights when you want them to , but are extensions of the feds when you prefer.  Who gets to decide? If only the founders had an idea about this and wrote it down. But wait – they did.
         

      • Duke CoxDuke Cox says:

        It is impossible to equate the treatment of human beings who are seeking shelter to the desire for corporations to be sheltered from responsibility.

        I have considerable experience with those who run the industry and the economic machine they steer. To compare them to refugees is cruel and insulting. There is no more arrogant and belligerent group than the OilyBoyz and their hired guns like Sen. Marble. 

        Un-American behavior like that displayed by Vicki Marble should be completely rejected.

      • Diogenesdemar says:

        Don’t rule out euthanasia . . .

        . . . it’s a terrible, awful world she lives in these days, and it’s unlikely to get any better.

    • JohnInDenverJohnInDenver says:

      I hope she isn't home schooling any children in the house.

      I have a hard time with the English used. The punctuation, grammar and usage of the statement is fairly baffling.  There is a problem with the Civics, too.  Last time I looked, the oath of elected officials in the state is to the state constitution and the whole people of the state, not to some convenient and self-defined subdivision known as "rural Colorado."

  2. ParkHill says:

    WOTD via Brad DeLong: "Dollar Store Density Predicts Republican Voting Likelihood ".

    The actual title is "What Dollar Stores Tell Us About Electoral Politics". The number of SNAP authorized Dollar Stores is a very good proxy for district wealth, density and voting tendencies. 

    There are fewer SNAP-authorized dollar stores in dense districts in part because more people live within range of any given store. But other factors are also responsible for keeping the number of dollar stores low in some areas, including high retail rent, strong local merchants, and public policies that promote better food options. Because SNAP-authorized dollar store locations crystallize all these dimensions, classing districts by the number of stores they contain creates sets that are more homogenous than categorization by density, while still capturing density as a key component.

    This article is really interesting, although the graphs are a bit confusing. Here is part of the conclusion:

    Up through the 2016 elections, the ongoing geographic concentration of prosperity drove a widening political divide. Democrats were positioned as caring about the kinds of people who live in urban areas, and the kinds of poverty and inequality they face. That left Democrats vulnerable to Republican claims that they didn’t care about the kinds of people who live in small town and rural areas or the hardships they face. The social infrastructure through which Democrats once made their case in dollar-store country, like unions and working-class churches, was battered by the same grim trends that favored dollar stores’ arrival.

    So how did Democrats make a comeback? In place after place, in the wake of Donald Trump’s election, local progressives decided they could no longer wait for someone else to fix a political system they saw as broken. They stepped forward, found each other, created and used online resources, and took hands-on political action. Where Democrats’ local infrastructure had most atrophied, the new presence was most impactful.

    New or re-energized progressive groups in red districts have repopulated local Democratic committees and altered the ecosystem for campaigns up and down the ballot. These groups aided candidate recruitment and fundraising, knocked on doors and made calls, and encouraged campaigns to come hold events in locales they might otherwise have skipped.

    Within Iowa’s deeply conservative fourth congressional district, for example, a dozen separate grassroots groups joined the Indivisible network. Meanwhile, another new group (one not even listed on the Indivisible site) helped Democratic candidate J.D. Scholten host a campaign stop in Pocahontas, Iowa, population 1,700. The stop featured a rally with forty attendees as well as a coffee-shop phonebank. That may not sound like a revolution, but it’s local activism like this that helped Scholten almost defeat fifteen-year incumbent Steven King.

    What happened in Scholten’s seventy-eight dollar store district is happening in places like it across the country. Regional politics have been renewed by activists’ passion, time, and treasure. They supported Democratic candidates who ran for positions large and small—with locally framed messages to match. As a result, GOP-skeptical younger voters far outside metro cores found persuasive Democratic alternatives in front of them.

     

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