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February 16, 2010 10:36 PM UTC

Big Line Updated

  • 57 Comments
  • by: Colorado Pols

We’ve updated The Big Line now that all Q4 finance reports are available. Click below for a brief rundown of some of the changes.

GOVERNOR

Like it or not, elections are often just one big popularity contest, and in Colorado, there are few (if any) politicians who are more popular than Denver Mayor John Hickenlooper. For whatever reason, voters seem to really like Hick, and that’s terrible news for McInnis.

McInnis also has a messaging problem with Hickenlooper as his opponent. The things that McInnis wants to say — for example, that he is better for business and the economy, and therefore creating jobs — are really tough to message when Hickenlooper has a better record of those things as a business owner in Denver. That message worked okay against Ritter, but it doesn’t have the same effect against Hickenlooper.

So now what? When Ritter was still thought to be running for re-election, it was a lot easier to consider scenarios where McInnis wound up as Governor. It’s a lot harder now, and it primarily rests with things out of McInnis’ control (something bad has to happen with Hick, the economy has to get worse, etc.) It’s tough to look at McInnis’ campaign now and say, “If he does A, B and C, he’ll win,” because he could do those things and still lose thanks to Hick’s popularity and business background.

SENATE

As we wrote in an earlier post, it’s hard to see how both Ken Buck and Andrew Romanoff will be able to continue to fund the nuts and bolts of their campaign and have enough money left for TV advertising. It doesn’t matter what polls say at this point, because all of that goes out the window come June and July when Michael Bennet, Jane Norton and even Tom Wiens are advertising heavily on TV. If Bennet, Norton and Wiens are on TV, and Buck and Romanoff are not, then there is no way the latter two can compete in their respective primaries. If you can’t go on TV then you just can’t win, and there are no statewide campaigns that have ever proved otherwise.

TREASURER

This race got a lot more interesting with the inclusion of Ali Hasan on the GOP side. In a three-way primary, where all three candidates are capable of spending a lot of money, just about anything could happen. Hasan actually may end up with the advantage because he is so different than the other two candidates. “Different” doesn’t necessarily mean “better,” but both Walker Roberts Stapleton and J.J. Ament have very similar backgrounds and appearances, which provides a great opening for a candidate who is not like the others. Voters are going to confuse Ament and Stapleton to some degree, which is good for Hasan.

CD-4

Republican Cory Gardner is still the favorite for the GOP nomination, but he’s doing everything in his power to screw that up. The more we see of Gardner and the GOP primary in general, the more it looks like Gardner (or whoever wins the primary) will have to go so far to the right in order to do so that they will be irreparably damaged in the General Election. This race went from toss-up a year ago to Rep. Betsy Markey’s race to lose today.

CD-7

Republican Ryan Frazier had a good fundraising quarter, but he faces what looks to be a tough primary opponent in Lang Sias, who has already been endorsed by Sen. John McCain. But the biggest problem that either GOP candidate will face is the fact that Rep. Ed Perlmutter has a strong base in the most populous part of the district, central and northern Jefferson County. It’s hard to see anybody winning this seat who gives up that kind of natural advantage in Jefferson County.

Comments

57 thoughts on “Big Line Updated

    1. It’s slightly more likely that someone decent could beat Polis in a primary than someone decent running and beating Suthers (now that most potential Dems have said they’ll stay out). We say slightly, because it doesn’t look like either will happen.

      But you may be right – maybe their odds should be equal.

    2. Pols doesn’t know the district or the sentiment of Democrats in the district.

      It is one of those estimates that you figure Pols divines by looking in the toilet bowl at his latest creation.  It appears plausible from a distance but on closer scrutiny it dissolves into muddy messiness.  It is something Pols pulled from places unseen except by the colonoscopy camera.

      Polis is getting better at his job and wouldn’t have any problems holding off a challenge from another Will Shafroth lightweight and a Tea Party extremist.

      Put a fork in this race.  Polis wins by a record margin.  Mark Udall has left the building.

        1. tell me to quit swishing it around with my hands when I was young.  It was one of those fixations that I grew out of unlike Pols and his continual haranguing about Polis and his money.

  1. at odds several months ago, when the ‘lack of a message’ or ‘real campaign staff’ were cited as his weak spots.

    Now after his message has become clearer as the Anti-PAC / Corporate Candidate, he has hired some seasoned campaign staff, including 2 from Team Obama (and wisely got rid of an assclown), has been shown in recent polling to be pulling closer to Norton while Bennet has fallen farther behind by double digits, and by the way, he got the endorsement of the 2 largest unions and a majority of the State legislators. Yet he is still exactly at the same spot of 20-1?

    I expect you to come down hard on Romanoff for not raising as much money as Bennet, but not a single point difference with all of these factors?

    1. Because, if nothing else, there’s no way at his current financial pace that he’ll be able to go on TV with a serious ad buy. None of the things you mention, Wade, will matter at all if Romanoff cannot go big on TV. Without a serious TV buy, YOU CANNOT WIN A MAJOR STATEWIDE ELECTION.

      That’s not an opinion, it’s a fact — show us the previous candidate for Governor or Senate who has ever even won a primary in Colorado.

      Maybe that will change. Maybe Romanoff will raise a lot of money this quarter. If that happens, then we’ll change the odds. But until then, he’ll stay where he is.

       

        1. so I wont offer to. But I think Romanoff will come out ahead in the number of delgates coming out of caucus.

          Because I have been working so closely with Denver and the immediate suburbs (Adams, Jeffco, and Arapahoe) getting our caucuses and district assemblies organized I’ve had the opportunity to measure the level of support amongst likely caucus-goers in all of these counties (albeit some more than others) and it’s pretty solidly for Andrew. And these 4 counties make up over 45% of the delagtes to the staste assembly.

          Having said that, I haven’t had the opportunity to get out of metro-Denver lately so I don’t have any way to gage the rest of the state.

          1. Likely caucus goers are backing Romanoff by a big margin — and probably even more so outstate than in the metro area. Remember, though, delegates are unpledged at every step, so the vote could shift through county assemblies and finally at the state assembly.

              1. The process reflects the mood of the party, not necessarily that of the electorate as a whole.

                More importantly, it begins the winnowing process for districts with multiple candidates. When there are only two candidates running, they will likely both make the primary unless one is totally lacking in…well, let’s leave it at lacking.

                If there are 3 or more candidates for the same seat, the caucus/assembly proicess usully allows 2 people to be nominated and gives the 3rd or more the opportunity to see if they were at least somewhat successful at gathering supporters and then can the assess the wisdom of attempting to petition on the ballot.

                As has been rightly pointed out here, doing very well at Caucus is a small victory, but it is a vitory nonetheless that bigger gains can be buiult upon if marshalled correctly.

            1. There will be a primary and Romanoff doesn’t have enough money to buy good TV.

              Nobody gives a shit what the party activists do at the convention. See Miles, Mike vs. Salazar, Ken.

              1. The dynamics there was very different. First, and probably most importnat, Salazar had far most name ID than Miles. Romanoff vs. Bennet is nearly the opposite.

                Also, Miles represented stark contrast to Salazar. He was viewed at the far more “progressive” candidate where Salazar was almost termed “conservative” by camparison. Romanoff and Bennet are boat at the about the same point in the spectrum, maybe slightly more one way or the other on individual issues.

                1. Top line doesn’t mean anything in Colorado any more.

                  Primaries are decided by voters, not the party activists. Sorry to say, to get to the voters you need a lot of TV, which means you need buckets of money.

        1. Which is what Romanoff supporters who ignore the financial reality continue to miss. It’s not that Romanoff isn’t raising as much money as Bennet – he was never going to outraise Bennet. The problem is that Romanoff isn’t raising enough money to be able to win. Those are two completely different discussions. Romanoff can still win if he is outspent by Bennet, but he cannot win if he doesn’t even have the cash for the basics.

  2. at odds several months ago, when the ‘lack of a message’ or ‘real campaign staff’ were cited as his weak spots.

    Now after his message has become clearer as the Anti-PAC / Corporate Candidate, he has hired some seasoned campaign staff, including 2 from Team Obama (and wisely got rid of an assclown), has been shown in recent polling to be pulling closer to Norton while Bennet has fallen farther behind by double digits, and by the way, he got the endorsement of the 2 largest unions and a majority of the State legislators. Yet he is still exactly at the same spot of 20-1?

    I expect you to come down hard on Romanoff for not raising as much money as Bennet, but not a single point difference with all of these factors?

  3. I see Bennet as a less than 50/50 shot to be re-elected, but it may make sense for Norton to be a bit lower than he is, because there’s an off-chance she’ll lose the nomination.  How can I tell if the Big Line’s odds give Bennet/Romanoff better odds than Norton/Wiens/Buck; how do you add these up?

    1. To make the lines statistically accurate. It would also be hard to do because you have to factor in primaries, etc.

      For example, we think both Norton and Wiens are more likely to win the GOP primary than Romanoff is to win the Democratic primary. But we also think Romanoff would have a great chance to win the general election if he were to somehow win the primary, which is why his odds are better than Buck (who we don’t think can win either the primary OR the general).

      Similarly, Democrats must sit atop the Treasurer and CD-4 Line; they don’t have to go through a primary and they are incumbents in races without overwhelming natural voter registration advantages. You can’t say that Stapleton, Hasan or Ament are more likely to beat Kennedy in the Treasurer’s race when it’s too early to tell which one of them will even win the primary.

      There are some cases where there is a competitive primary and all candidates from the same Party are on the top of the line. In the 2006 CD-5 race (Rep. Doug Lamborn currently holds that seat), there were six Republican candidates and only one Democrat. But because CD-5 has an enormous Republican voter registration advantage, whoever won the Republican primary was almost certain to win the general election; in that case, we listed the Republicans in the order we thought they were running in the primary (CD-2 was the same way in 2008, but with Democrats in control).

      It might make more sense to do lines by Party affiliation before the primary, but then The Big Line would get a little unwieldy and long. We prefer to do it this way, which provides an overall snapshot of each particular race.  

  4. that for the 3 GOP candidates for Treasurer to all make the primary ballot, they each need to get 30% of the delegate vote. Not likely.

    Of course, you can petition on the statewide primary ballot, but that’s nearly impossible.

    Pols – you are smoking crack if you think Hasan will make the ballot at the convention.

    There will be no 3-way primary.

        1. Marc Holtzman had the money, but couldn’t make the ballot.

          David T. – Hasan has very few delegate contacts within the party.  Trust me.

          RG – 1,500 verified Republican signatures per Congressional District.  

          Do Mom and Dad Hasan really want to spend Bruce Benson-type money to get their son on the ballot for a Treasurer’s race?

          No, they don’t.  He won’t make the ballot.

          Readjust the line.

  5. What matters based on race after race after race is contributed dollars. Remember that Jared raised over a million (then added the loose change he found in his couch). Candidates that are largely self-funded almost always lose.

    1. Once again, I have to remind you, that while Polis brought in $1.3 million ($25 of that donated by me) he contributed just under $6 million of his own money. Check it out: http://www.opensecrets.org/rac

      So while it may be true that Jared Polis is an exception to your rule, his candidacy was certainly largely self-funded.

    2. That doesn’t make him a bad guy or give him an asterisk on his record, but it’s just not disputable that his self-financing won that race.

      In the 2008 CD-2 primary, the candidates were raising millions of dollars. Joan Fitz-Gerald raised and spent $1.8 million, Will Shafroth $1.5 million, and Jared Polis more than $6 million.

      The $1 million that Polis raised had virtually nothing to do with his victory in that primary. In a very close race, it was the $5 million + that Polis spent out of his own pocket that got him elected.

      Tom Wiens obviously needs to raise a lot of money in order to win the GOP nomination this year, but the fact that he enters 2010 with not much less in the bank than Jane Norton is a definite plus.

      1. And his self-funding was a part of that. My point is that self-funding on top of great fundraising is successful, but self-funding with little fundraising rarely wins a race.

        That’s why I say the fundraising is the key metric at present. If self-funding alone won seats Ali Hasan would be a state senator right now.

        1. Polis was able to raise that much because he was able to self-fund to that extent. He was also already an elected official and a serious candidate, so your comparison with Hasan doesn’t make sense, because he was neither.

          Your mind is made up about Polis and whether his overwhelming amount of self-funding tilted the election, but put this another way: If Polis hadn’t self-funded to that extent, would he have won? The answer is no, and anyone, including Robert Becker, will tell you that. The same is true of Wiens at this point. It doesn’t mean he isn’t a viable candidate.

          1. There’s a great discussion of it in Freakanomics. In the vast majority of self-funded cases the candidate lost – even though they way outspent their opponent. If you get a chance, read that chapter in Freakanomics.

            1. David, you’re always recommending these things that are incredibly popular household names like they’re some secret little bistro you only like to tell friends about.

              Self-funding doesn’t work when you’re trying to take out an incumbent, or when it’s basically a vanity campaign, or you have no public policy experience — and those are the bulk of self-funding campaigns on the books, so of course the vast majority lose.

              With the exception of the middle term, which is up for debate, Polis was none of these. Neither was Michael Bloomberg, and there’s not a soul alive who would dispute the fact that he bought his election, either.

                1. David, you’re just making shit up here. I thought Avatar was fantastic. So did hundreds of millions of people by the time you tipped us off to go see it. But you’re right about Wiens — we shall see. Time will tell.  

    1. The day before Obama comes to town (I’m guessing this ad goes after Bennet and Obama’s connection and completely ignore her fellow primary opponents.) That said, I’d also guess that this ad is to counter Buck’s 527 group that had that $350K ad buy last month.  

      1.  It will interchange Bennet with Reid/Pelosi and the socialization of ‘merica.

        It will show Bennet & Obama together- smiling, but it won’t be a happy message.

        And the overall will be something like tax and spend us into giant debt D’s are at it again…. gotta get Obama out of Colorado, gotta get Bennet out of the Senate, etc

        Other than the “paid for” and the picture of Norton it could be a Romanoff ad.

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