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Hickenlooper: “Fracking” To Fight Climate Change?

Colorado’s Democratic governor throws the conservation community a curveball on the issue of human-caused climate change, versus the controversial practice of hydraulic fracture drilling for natural gas–as the Durango Herald reports:

Hickenlooper often talked about climate issues when he was mayor of Denver, but he has been quieter on the topic since he became governor. He spent 30 minutes Tuesday morning at a conference of the Colorado Climate Network, a group of local governments that studies ways to adjust to climate change.

Acknowledging that “it drives some of my friends crazy,” the Democratic governor said embracing natural gas is the only realistic way to cut American emissions of greenhouse gases.

Hickenlooper also urged people to ramp up pressure on Congress to extend the wind-production tax credit. But he saved his strongest endorsement for a fuel that has stirred controversy in recent years.

The United States never signed the Kyoto treaty to cut greenhouse emissions, but the country is on its way to meeting the target anyway thanks to natural gas, Hickenlooper said.

“We are more than halfway toward compliance because we have these innovations in horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing,” he said.

Without wading too far into the contentious underlying issue, we will say that this represents a more intelligent argument from Gov. John Hickenlooper than he’s made in the past. Last year, Hickenlooper enraged environmentalists when he claimed in an energy industry-funded ad that fracking has never resulted in groundwater contamination–a claim that has been repeatedly disproven. Later, Hickenlooper claimed that “you can drink” fracking fluid, an extremely dubious claim based on one experimental “fracking” product that is not even required to be used. In yet another gaffe, Hickenlooper absurdly claimed that fracking has “literally no risk.”

These incidents cannot help but impact Hickenlooper’s credibility on the issue.

It’s clear that the public health issues presented by “fracking” in and around Colorado communities involve more immediate challenges than those presented by global climate change, though it’s true in the abstract that natural gas contributes less to that particular problem. In this latest offering, Hickenlooper presents natural gas as a “bridge” to future energy technology, and challenges opponents to find a workable alternative.

Bottom line: we’ll give Hickenlooper credit for a more intelligent case than he has made in the past, but it’s an equivocal case at best. And the question of whether “fracking’s” incremental climate change advantage offsets public health concerns? He definitely did not settle it.

Scott Tipton: Still All Over The Map on “Spending”

Excerpted from Rep. Scott Tipton’s newsletter to constituents yesterday:

House Republicans remain insistent on budget cuts before looking to increase taxes, while Obama is calling for an extension of the current tax structure for all but the nation’s highest earners, households with more than $250,000 in income and individuals with more than $200,000. Those taxpayers would see their marginal income tax rates increase from 35 percent to 39.6 percent, as well as see increased rates on capital gains and inheritance taxes. U.S. Rep. Scott Tipton, R-Colo., wants to know where and how additional revenue from higher taxation would be spent, and how it would reduce spending, his office said…

It seems obvious to us that asking how “additional revenue” will “reduce spending” is kind of oxymoronic, but it at least re-emphasizes the point that Tipton is against spending.

Sort of, based on the very next point in his newsletter:

U.S. Rep. Scott Tipton, R-Colo., asked federal agricultural officials Monday to ease restrictive insurance guidelines on farmers in the San Luis Valley given the lingering drought. Tipton expressed his concern in a letter to USDA’s Risk Management Agency, stating that agency guidelines would limit farmers in the Multiple Peril Crop Insurance Program from filing claims because of less water being available.

We did some checking on this: for fiscal year 2004, for which we found a report, the Federal Crop Insurance Corporation collected $928 million in premiums, subsidized (meaning taxpayers covered) $2 billion in premiums, and incurred $3.2 billion in losses. The program’s total budget in FY 2004 was $3.4 billion. Here’s a little more historical detail from the Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics:

Government outlays for the federal crop insurance program exceeded $9.2 billion between 1980 and 1990. Over this period, indemnity outlays totaled over $7.1 billion while premiums collected from producers were only $3.8 billion. This corresponds to net losses (excluding administrative costs) that exceed $3.3 billion and implies that, on average, farmers received $1.88 in indemnities for each $1 of premiums paid (i.e., a loss ratio of 1.88).

It’s not like we’re going to deny relief to San Luis Valley farmers, but isn’t somebody going to ask how easing payouts from already generous farm subsidy “insurance” will “cut spending?” This is a lot like Tipton’s praise for the new solar power plant in Alamosa funded by the same loan guarantee program that funded Solyndra, a company Tipton routinely vilifies.

And why doesn’t Tipton feel as strongly about your grandmother’s health care, again? It would be one thing if Tipton was consistent about “cutting spending,” something only a few members of the “Tea Party” class of 2010 can say they have been. Tipton’s problem is not wrongheaded principle, but a sense that there’s no principle at work at all.

‘Visions of Oil Shale Drums Danced in Their Heads’

This past weekend the Grand Junction Daily Sentinel ran opposing op-eds on the prospects of oil shale development in Colorado, and specifically on the Obama administration’s pending finalization of an oil shale leasing plan.  

The Obama plan is a solid improvement over an earlier plan put forth by the Bush administration.  It would help ensure that oil shale development–should it ever prove viable–happens more sensibly.  With finalization, future decisions about developing oil shale will have to recognize resources like our scarce water and the public lands of the Piceance Basin are too valuable and important to just hand over to industry without knowledge of what exactly we would be getting into.  Industry will have to be able to show what the impacts to those resources are likely to be before they are given permissions and permits to do so.  

The Sentinel columns are behind a paywall but are notable not only for the substance but for the authors. On one hand Colorado Department of Natural Resource Director Mike King–himself a western Colorado native.  On the other Brad McCloud the director of the suspiciously-named ‘Environmentally Conscious Consumers for Oil Shale’ also known as EIS Solutions, an industry-funded astrourfing PR shop.  

Of course significant questions still remain about potential impacts that might result from a commercial oil shale industry in Western Colorado. And King’s basic point is there is no reason to rush ahead, given both technologies and impacts remain unknown.  

This is because after a century of effort and billions in taxpayer subsidies to help “unlock” the secret of the ‘rock that burns’ and turn it into a commercial fuel source: zilch.  

Oh sure, there is talk as there has always been, and then another glitch, another setback, another delay. But with the Obama administration poised to finalize new leasing parameters and regulations for oil shale, the rhetoric has of late heated up. This is where the EIS Solutions op-ed comes in.  Mr. McCloud argues that the U.S. taxpayer is not making enough of the public’s resources available to industry, and not enough is the same as nothing in industry’s overblown rhetoric.    

You’re Gonna Need Us, Says DeGette To Boehner

Politico’s Darren Samuelsohn reported this weekend:

Interviews with more than a dozen House and Senate lawmakers, many of whom are primed to start whipping votes, underscored the reality that the lame-duck session could still end in tax hikes and across-the-board spending cuts.

“I wouldn’t want to put a percentage on it, but it certainly could happen,” said Rep. Jeff Flake, the Arizona Republican who next month will be sworn in as a senator.

“It’s absolutely possible. We’ve seen it happen before,” added Colorado Rep. Diana DeGette, a chief deputy whip for House Democrats.

For Boehner to be successful, DeGette said the speaker needs to remember during his negotiations with Obama that a sizeable number of Republicans are expected to jump ship on any tax agreement with the White House – whether it’s a short-term deal or something much bigger.

“The Republican leadership is going to have to realize they have to work with us,” she told POLITICO.

The delicacy of this situation for Speaker John Boehner really can’t be overstated. Given the likelihood that many conservative Republican House members will balk at any deal that violates their no-new-revenue ideological principles, Boehner will have to turn to Democrats to win House passage of any reasonable budget compromise. The problem with that, of course, is that Boehner could endanger his speakership if he arranges the passage of legislation that would be palatable to Democrats. Who he would in this scenario need to pass anything.

And remember, if nothing passes, Republicans take the blame for the resulting automatic budget cuts and tax hikes on everybody. Also, they say Democrats create a “culture of dependency?” Wait until Doug Lamborn realizes those cuts to military spending are an actual possibility.

We can’t tell you exactly how Boehner intends to thread this needle, but he has more to lose.

Oil shale: Energy’s pink unicorn

Grover Norquist, founder of the right wing, anti-tax group Americans for Tax Reform, recently spoke out about the folly of spending tax dollars on pink unicorns, since they don’t exist. Following his logic, government shouldn’t create handouts for oil shale, since it doesn’t exist as an energy source.

We want to see if Mr. Norquist is willing to join us in calling for an end to all oil shale subsidies.

Journalists’ “likes,” “friends,” “retweets,” etc. on social media do not reflect bias

On  his profile on his Facebook page, Denver Post Politics Editor Chuck Plunkett writes:

Please note. As a journalist using social media, my following or friending or liking — and in some cases even retweeting or reposting — is not always meant as an endorsement.

This  is a shorter version of a post Plunkett wrote shortly before the election on Facebook:

Friends. I’ve been asked about this a couple of times in recent days, as we are now fully in the final throes of the Election season. The question is whether as a journalist who covers politics it is correct for me to “like” the Obama page or the Romney page. (And I “like” them both.) The problem is that is how Facebook defines what you have to do to follow a page. That’s not — in most cases — how I would describe my interest. I might genuinely “like” a band, for example. But a politician? It’s not the same thing. I’d like to expand on what I have long indicated on my Facebook profile — which probably not everyone reads. For years now, since my earliest origins with Facebook,  I have contained in my profile the disclaimer that as a journalist using social media I “friend” and “follow” and “subscribe” and “like” and “retweet” and etc. all manner of people, groups, media, politicians, movements, companies, nonprofits, etc. But my doing so is NOT meant as an endorsement. Rather, I do so in order to see their posts in order to watch for news and whatnot. Increasingly, politicians use social media in the place of the old-school press release or statement. To not follow risks missing something — not that I don’t miss things even when I follow, given what has become the enormous success of these kinds of sites. I hope this makes sense. Bottom line: I do not endorse any politician or political party and do not advocate for any of them either. I have much better things to do with my time.

To me, that’s common sense, but it’s good Plunkett spells it out for us.

You say, still, what if a guy like Plunkett “likes” or “friends” 100 right-wing groups and 25 lefty ones? What if he re-tweets Scott Gessler (as if Gessler doesn’t tweet his own horn often enough)? Does it mean he favors the right?

It means little or nothing. You don’t know what Plunkett is up to or where he’s getting information, unless you’re a mind reader, and mind readers are the worst kind of media critics–though they are a common kind.

Re-posting, and retweeting, even “likes,” by other public figures, like politicians, invite questions, however.

The bottom line is, for journalists, if you think they lean one way or the other, evaluate their actual factual work. Is it fair? Is it accurate?

It’s Official: National Republicans Helped Todd Akin To The Last

Politico:

The National Republican Senatorial Committee quietly sent $760,000 to the Missouri Republican Party in early November, just as the state GOP was mounting a last-minute TV ad blitz to boost Rep. Todd Akin’s sagging Senate campaign, according to records released Thursday.

The NRSC funds appear to have helped pay for the pro-Akin TV ads as he was struggling to narrow Sen. Claire McCaskill’s lead at the polls. The disclosure is highly significant because the Senate GOP campaign committee promised to abandon Akin after failing to push the conservative congressman out of the race following his August declaration that “legitimate rape” rarely leads to pregnancies because female bodies often shut down…

As as the Missouri Senate race dragged on and Akin made up some ground in the contest, the NRSC was in a quandary: Does it stick to its word and hope Akin could rebound on his own? Or should it flip-flop and send an infusion of cash into the race in a last-ditch bid to save his campaign?

Now it appears to have been the latter, certain to give fodder to Democrats eager to hit Senate Republicans on hypocrisy charges.

The swift and virtually air-tight condemnation of Todd Akin this fall by his fellow Republicans after his infamous “legitimate rape” comments was taken by many as legitimate, but the larger purpose was to shield Republicans all over the country–not least presidential candidate Mitt Romney–from the hard secondary questions about their own support for policies on abortion that agreed with Akin’s statements. Legislation that Akin had co-sponsored with many congressional Republicans, including representatives from Colorado and vice-presidential nominee Paul Ryan, to restrict the definition of rape for federal assistance purposes to “forcible” rape comes uncomfortably close to the twisted logic Akin exposed.

Well folks, you know now. Akin horrified you, but he didn’t really horrify his fellow Republicans. The “abandonment” of Todd Akin was a ruse meant to protect a party whose official platform is in agreement with Akin’s views. Period. And the moment they felt there was a strategic interest in doing so, the same National Republican Senatorial Committee that vowed never to condone what Akin said did exactly that. Because you would only find out after the election.

To say this is an important lesson for voters to remember is a profound understatement.

It’s Time To “Get Serious,” Is It?

CBS News’ Brian Montopoli writes this morning:

Boehner and the rest of the House Republican leadership laid out their offer in a letter to the president earlier this week. It said Republicans would cut a total of $1.2 trillion in spending, but it does not actually say what would be cut. The letter broadly says that the cuts would follow those put forth in what was called “the Bowles plan,” a reference to Democrat Erskine Bowles, who quickly put out a statement saying that the letter does not represent his beliefs. (Republicans were referencing testimony that Bowles gave to the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction last year. That testimony represented Bowles’ understanding of the midpoint between the two sides at the time; he noted Monday that “circumstances have changed since then.”)

Let’s give House Republicans the benefit of the doubt and assume they are calling for the cuts articulated last year by Bowles. His testimony called for roughly $600 billion in Medicare savings, in part from raising the Medicare eligibility age, $300 billion in other discretionary spending cuts, and $300 billion in cuts to other mandatory spending programs.

Despite GOP claims that they represent a middle ground, there is simply no reason Democrats would agree to these cuts. Here’s why: If the nation goes off the fiscal cliff, it faces $1.2 trillion in automatic spending cuts split between domestic spending and military spending. Republicans are effectively proposing to keep the cuts but focus them entirely areas that Democrats want to protect: Domestic spending and other entitlements. Meanwhile, under the GOP plan, there would be no cuts to defense programs — the area Republicans want to protect. Why on earth would Democrats agree to a deal in which all the cuts are made to their priorities when they could simply do nothing and let the pain be shared by both sides?

Now to be fair, Montopoli doesn’t completely single out Republicans for blame in the present impasse over a budget deal to prevent sweeping automatic budget cuts and tax hikes set to take effect at the end of the year. According to this analysis, President Barack Obama’s aggressive stand in favor of resetting the present 35% top federal income tax rate to the Clinton-era 39.5%–again, only on income over $250,000–is “far from what Republicans could swallow.”

But it’s at least a specific proposal; more than John Boehner can deliver.

When it comes to new revenue – aka, additional money coming into the government – Boehner has set a target of $800 billion. This is not insignificant: The offer has already prompted howls from some on the right who oppose any new revenue. But it is also less than substantive, since Boehner declines to say how he would make the cuts — he merely says they should come through “pro-growth tax reform that closes special-interest loopholes and deductions while lowering rates.” Does that mean getting rid of the mortgage interest deduction? Capping charitable deductions? The letter doesn’t say. [Pols emphasis]

With polling decisively indicating once again that intransigent Republicans will take the blame in the event of a failure to reach an agreement, what we have here is the equivalent of Paul Ryan’s infamous “budget with no numbers”–a proposal that really isn’t even a proposal, yet is nevertheless being insistently represented as a good-faith attempt at reaching an agreement.

Bottom line: both sides may be taking a hard line with a few weeks left to negotiate, but there’s a difference between doing so with specifics, and wasting everyone’s time. The polls say the public gets the difference, just as polls show that voters favor Obama’s proposal for raising taxes on high income earners while minimizing cuts to Medicare and Social Security.

With all this in mind, back to Boehner’s call to “get serious.”

Bennet to Head DSCC in 2014 Cycle

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee just announced via press release that Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet will assume the responsibility of overseeing the protection of a Democratic majority in 2014. From the release:


Senator Bennet takes the helm following an extraordinarily successful cycle for the DSCC, in which Democrats gained two seats and not a single Democratic incumbent lost reelection. The conventional wisdom was that Democrats were doomed to lose the majority. But under the leadership of Senator Patty Murray and Guy Cecil, the DSCC pushed incumbents to make re-election decisions and begin building their campaigns early in the cycle, recruited stellar candidates in Republican-held and Democratic open seats, and outraised the NRSC.

This announcement comes as little surprise after Bennet’s name was mentioned as a potential DSCC Chair a few weeks ago. Bennet turned down requests to take the helm in the 2012 cycle, and it’s not really an offer you can refuse twice.

Full release after the jump.

DISCOVERY AND THE “TRANSPARENT” ORGANIZATION.

As we know, Colorado PERA has testified to the Colorado General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee that public pension benefits in Colorado cannot be reduced by the General Assembly:

“Terms of the plan are legally binding and protected from reduction by the Constitution.”

Link:

http://www.kentlambert.com/Fil…

The Colorado Court of Appeals finds itself agreeing with Colorado PERA in regard to the contractual nature of public pension rights:

“We consider McPhail and Bills dispositive (indisputably bringing to a conclusion a legal controversy) of whether plaintiffs here have a contractual right to a particular COLA.”  In the cases McPhail and Bills, the Colorado Supreme Court “found a contractual right based on members’ provision of services and contributions to the retirement fund.”

The Colorado Court of Appeals also reversed the Denver District Court’s summary judgment on the plaintiff’s “Takings Clause claim.” On page 36 of its decision, the Colorado Court of Appeals restores the plaintiff’s Takings Clause claim and cites the case Lynch: “contract rights can constitute property interests protected by the Takings Clause.”

One would imagine that such consensus would bring an end to the dispute over the Colorado General Assembly’s 2010 taking of contracted, vested PERA retiree COLA benefits in SB 10-001.

However, in spite of the consensus, the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees continues to press for the breach of PERA pensioner contracts and has appealed the recent Colorado Court of Appeals decision to the Colorado Supreme Court.  

If the ultimate resolution of the case Justus v. State remains far off in the future, in the interim period, I believe that the parties to the case would benefit from the examination of certain materials related to Colorado PERA contractual pension rights.  The discovery of these materials should be a relatively simple matter given that Colorado PERA is a “transparent” organization.  

Here are some materials I’m interested in:

In 2005, a commission appointed by the Colorado Treasurer, the “Commission to Strengthen and Secure PERA” completed a report to the Treasurer.

Here’s a link to the final report of the “Commission to Strengthen and Secure PERA”:

http://www.copera.org/pdf/Misc…

I’m not particularly interested in the commission’s report itself.  Rather, I’m interested in the transcripts of the hearings from deliberations of the commission.  During these deliberations, the commission received testimony from Colorado PERA officials and from the Colorado Attorney General’s Office relating to the contractual nature of Colorado public pension benefits.  

Transcripts of these commission hearings were once available on the website of the Colorado State Treasurer.  I suspect that Colorado PERA, or the Colorado Treasurer’s Office has retained copies of these transcripts.  Assistant Attorney General Heidi Dineen of the Colorado Attorney General’s Office testified before the commission in regard to contractual public pension rights.  (Heidi Dineen’s name, by the way, is at the bottom of the 2004 Colorado AG opinion addressing Colorado pension contractual rights.)

Transcripts of the commission’s hearings have been mentioned in the press.  Here are a few examples:

Silver and Gold Record, June 16, 2005:

“Romero advised PERA members to look at the state treasurer’s Web site, which has a link to the commission and meeting transcripts . . .”

Link:

https://www.cu.edu/sg/messages…

Silver and Gold Record, July 14, 2005:

“According to a transcript of the June 17 meeting, Brian Anderson of the treasurer’s office responded to concerns about the commission’s private operations, by noting that an informal opinion from the attorney general’s office stated that the commission is not a public body because it acts in an advisory capacity rather than as a policy-making body.”

Link:

https://www.cu.edu/sg/messages…

Here are a few quotations of Assistant Attorney General Heidi Dineen in the press relating to Colorado public pension contractual rights:

“At its most recent meeting on April 15, the commission heard from Assistant Attorney General Heidi Dineen on state case law regarding pensions and the legal tests required for reducing benefits.”  “‘You can reduce the pension for a person you haven’t even hired, [but] you can’t reduce the pension for a retiree,’ Dineen said, adding that the middle of that continuum is where changes can be made.”

“A commission formed by State Treasurer Mike Coffman to examine the status of the Public Employees’ Retirement Association is looking at its legal options for reducing employee pension benefits.”

“Dineen explained that in the 1980s, the Colorado Supreme Court ruled on a case involving fire and police pensions, and that ruling established what is known as the Peterson test.  The plaintiff in that case argued that no changes could be made to public employees’ pension plans after being hired.  The court rejected that argument, Dineen said, and decided to allow adverse changes that meet one of three conditions.”

“Under the Peterson test, any adverse change to a partially vested pension plan must: be balanced by a corresponding change in benefits, be a change that is ‘actuarially necessary’ or be a change that strengthens or improves the pension plan, according to Dineen.”

“However, under the definition of ‘partially vested’ in the Peterson test, the plan also must have unfunded liabilities and not be meeting the current costs of pension benefits, she said.”

Link:

https://www.cu.edu/sg/messages…

Here are some more materials I’m interested in (of course, some of these documents may be “privileged”):

–  I seem to recall reading that Colorado PERA Executive Director Greg Smith has written in the past relating to contractual public pension rights.  I would like to see his thoughts on this subject prior to commencement of the PERA Board’s efforts to breach PERA pensioner contracts.

–  Communications between PERA officials/administrators and public sector union officials relating to the development of the 2009 PERA Board pension reform recommendations.

–  Communications between PERA officials/administrators and representatives of Governor Ritter’s Office relating to the development of the 2009 PERA Board pension reform recommendations.

–  Communications between PERA officials/administrators and SB 10-001 co-prime sponsor Brandon Shaffer/other legislators relating to the development of the 2009 PERA Board pension reform recommendations.

–  Communications between PERA officials/administrators and the General Assembly’s Office of Legislative Legal Services relating to the development of the 2009 PERA Board pension reform recommendations.

–  Internal Colorado PERA e-mails/communications relating to the development of the 2009 PERA Board pension reform recommendations.

–  Any materials provided by Colorado PERA representatives or Senator Josh Penry or Senator Paula Sandoval to Nicole Myers of the General Assembly’s Office of Legislative Legal Services regarding an amendment to SB 09-282 placing into the PERA statutes a requirement that the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees provide pension reform recommendations to the General Assembly.  (I would like to know if Colorado PERA essentially “asked itself” to provide recommendations to the General Assembly.)

–  Instructions provided by Colorado PERA to actuaries involved in the 2009 examination of alternative PERA pension reforms.

–  Transcripts and audio recordings of Colorado PERA Board of Trustees deliberations of pension reform alternatives.

–  Colorado PERA published materials relating to the contractual public pension rights.

My hope is that through these materials we might learn the extent to which Colorado PERA Executive Director Greg Smith encouraged or discouraged the attempt to breach public pension contracts by the PERA Board.  We may also learn whether (as I suspect) the plan to breach PERA pensioner contracts was premeditated, i.e., whether a faГ§ade of false deliberation was constructed by Colorado PERA lobbyists and public sector union lobbyists to lend credibility, objectivity, and legitimacy to a preordained conclusion to breach PERA pensioner contracts.

These are some of the materials relating to Colorado public pension rights that I believe should be available to the public.  However, in spite of the “transparency” of Colorado PERA, I have questions regarding the extent to which Colorado PERA is obligated to make these materials available.  In seeking an answer to my questions, I found guidance in an excellent article published in The Colorado Lawyer in 2007 by Caleb Durling of the law firm Reilly Pozner LLP.

The article, “The Pension Committee Decision: The Duty to Preserve Records” is publicly available on the internet at this link:

http://www.rplaw.com/wp-conten…

Here are a few relevant excerpts from the article:

“By now, it should be abundantly clear that the duty to preserve means what it says and that a failure to preserve records- paper or electronic-and to search in the right places for those records, will inevitably result in the spoliation of evidence.”

“Over the last decade, courts have refined the obligations of parties to preserve and collect paper and electronic documents.”

“Judge Scheindlin has turned to the thornier problems of defining parties’ obligations to preserve and collect relevant documents, both paper and electronic, and the sanctions for the parties who do not act willfully or in bad faith but who, by handling their discovery obligations with a ‘pure heart and an empty head,’ cause the loss or destruction of documents through negligence or gross negligence.”

“As with her Zubulake opinions, courts and litigants across the country, including in Colorado, will rely on Judge Scheindlin’s framework and reasoning in Pension Committee when discovery problems emerge, particularly with regard to the loss of paper and electronic documents due to carelessness or gross negligence.”

“As a result, she awarded monetary sanctions to the plaintiff and ordered that the plaintiff also was entitled to an adverse inference instruction concerning the deleted e-mails and destroyed backup tapes.”

“The goals of sanctions are to: (1) deter spoliation; (2) place the risk of erroneous judgment on the spoliating party; and (3) restore the prejudiced party to the position it would have been in but for the wrongful destruction.”

“The case has two overarching takeaways for litigants. First, document preservation is an obligation that cannot be ignored. Second, there now are relatively well-defined standards of conduct and sanctions available to enforce that obligation.”

“Pension Committee removes all doubt concerning both the duty to preserve paper and electronic documents and the sanctions that can result for even the negligent failure to satisfy that duty.”

In regard to “litigation holds,” Mr. Durling writes:

“Zubulake IV, the most influential of the five opinions, held that a party’s duty to preserve documents arises when ‘a party reasonably anticipates litigation.'”

“The duty to preserve arises, as Judge Scheindlin explained in Zubulake IV, when ‘a party reasonably anticipates litigation.’  At that point, the party must suspend any routine document retention and destruction policy and institute a litigation hold.”

” . . . the ‘failure to issue a written litigation hold constitutes gross negligence because that failure is likely to result in the destruction of relevant information.'”

I wonder, at what point did Colorado PERA anticipate litigation resulting from the recommendation to breach PERA pensioner COLA contractual obligations?  At what point did Colorado PERA institute a “litigation hold” in this regard?

I seem to recall numerous statements from Colorado PERA officials in the last decade regarding their expectation that PERA members and retirees would litigate any breach of their pension contracts.   Such statements may very well be found on the transcript of the “Commission to Strengthen and Secure PERA.”  In all likelihood, such statements were made during Colorado PERA’s 2009 statewide road trip campaign to build support for the breach of PERA pensioner contracts.

At a minimum, a quick search reveals that Colorado PERA officials expected this litigation as of January 15, 2010.  On January 15, 2010, PERA officials were quoted in the press stating that they expect litigation over the PERA Board’s proposal to breach public pension contracts:

“That’s where the lawsuits come in.  Williams and others say numerous PERA members, especially retirees, have indicated they are likely to pursue litigation if their benefits are cut.

No matter what, ‘There will be lawsuits,’ Williams said.

Link:

http://www.coloradostatesman.c…

Was Colorado PERA’s “litigation hold” in place as of January 15, 2010?

Personhood USA holds Coffman up as poster child for GOP’s future

Updated with a response from Personhood USA

———

Given decisive role the abortion issue apparently plays in Colorado elections nowadays, local reporters should pay attention to a statement issued by Personhood USA Monday, showering praise on Rep. Mike Coffman for not backpedaling on his “100% pro-life” position during the last election.

Personhood spokesperson Jennifer Mason wrote that Coffman’s victory is proof that her organization’s (and Coffman’s) uncompromising stance against abortion, even in the cases of rape and incest, leads to Republican victories.

Mason slammed Sen. John McCain’s recent argument that the GOP should soften its stance on abortion in order to win future elections. She believes moderate Republicans are unelectable, and the socially conservative wing of the GOP is growing and represents the future of the Republican Party.

Mason wrote:

In Colorado, where the personhood movement began in 2008, voters shied away from Republican candidates who had flip flopped on the issue. These candidates, following the unproven John McCain formula of “backing away” on abortion issues, lost.

Congressman Mike Coffman, although he did not endorse any state amendments this year including personhood, maintained his 100% pro-life position (without compromising or denying the personhood of children) and won.

There is a lesson to be learned here. The old guard of the GOP is dying. Their moderate candidates are unelectable, their base is unmoved by their attempts to energize the left, and their foundation is crumbling.

There is a Civil War brewing in the GOP, and it’s not pretty. If McCain and his ilk are successful, we are looking at a major defection to a third party, and the ultimate death of the Republican party.

During the campaign, Coffman said he wasn’t “focused on social issues,” and he barely discussed abortion, other than to say he was against all abortion, except to save the life of the mother.

Coffman’s stated exception allowing for abortion, to save the life of the mother, is apparently acceptable to the personhood backers, who argue that if the life of a pregnant woman is in danger due to a pregnancy or for whatever reason, the doctor needs to realize that he or she is treating two patients, the woman and the fetus at whatever stage of development.

As then Vice President of Colorado Right to Life Leslie Hanks told me via email ealier this year:

“If mom’s life is in danger, the doctor has two patients & he should make every effort to save both.”

It’s unclear to me, under a personhood law, how a doctor would decide between saving the fetus or the pregnant woman, if both could not be saved. Would he or she be a death panel of one? How long would the doctor continue treating both woman and fetus if it meant that both were more likely to die if the doctor didn’t make a choice between the two?

Coffman has never stated that he’d always save the woman’s life over the fetus’, just that abortion would be an allowable choice for the doctor to make.

So Coffman’s position, allowing for abortion to save the life of the mother, seems to be consistent with that of personhood backers.

Asked about Coffman’s life-of-the-mother exception, Personhood USA’s Mason told me the issue of whether to allow abortion to save the mother’s life is one of “semantics” and “splitting hairs.”

“Of course, you try to save the mother first,” she told me, “and then you try to save you save the baby. We’re painted all the time as only caring about the baby. But there’s no purpose in that. If the mom dies, the baby dies too. Nobody wants that. We try to save both, but of course the mother’s life has to be prioritized.”

“There is no case where it’s medically necessary to kill the child to save the mother,” Mason said. The surgery for an ectopic pregnancy, she said, requires the removal of the “baby,” which doctors can then try to save. If it dies, this would be an “unintended consequence” and therefore not an abortion, she said.

Could You At Least Try To Be Accurate?

We read a story today by political reporter Kurtis Lee of the Denver Post that left us with many more questions than answers. It’s not about an issue we spend much time on, but the claims made in this story seemed so outlandish that we found it necessary to ask more questions.

And yes, it’s pretty much as bad as we thought.

Today’s story concerns a national group, founded by New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, called Mayors Against Illegal Guns. At least 13 Colorado mayors have joined this organization, including Denver Mayor Michael Hancock, Golden Mayor Marjorie Sloan, Lakewood Mayor Bob Murphy, and Northglenn Mayor Joyce Downing, among some 720 nationwide. Notably not on this list, however, is Aurora Mayor Steve Hogan. After the shooting at an Aurora movie theater this summer, obviously Hogan’s non-participation in this campaign is worth noting.

Mayor Hogan says that he has “ideological problems” with the group, and that gun control policy is a local issue, not a national one. This arguably ignores the facts around interstate trafficking in guns (see: Golyansky, Greg), but it’s within the realm of opinion–not a false statement per se.

The false statements come when Lee quotes Dave Kopel of the right-wing Independence Institute, and lets Kopel make several totally absurd claims about Mayors Against Illegal Guns without bothering to check any of them out. Kopel tells Lee that “Bloomberg’s group supports a lifetime ban on gun possession for anyone who has ever been arrested for a drug offense–even if that person was later found innocent. … The group likewise promotes a lifetime ban for anyone who has ever been ordered to receive counseling for any mental problem.” Lee says Kopel’s comments are based on “proposed legislation supported by Bloomberg in Washington.”

We sent a request to a staffer at Mayors Against Illegal Guns at New York City Hall for more information, and here’s what they had to say about Kopel’s accusations as uncritically reported by Kurtis Lee. If this is right, Lee’s story is so far off the mark it’s really quite irresponsible.

The most blatant error in his statement is regarding the drug abuser claim–the Fix Gun Checks bill DOES NOT support a lifetime ban for a drug arrest: (1) the fix gun checks bill extends the window that drug arrests makes a person prohibited from one to five years (not lifetime) and (2) the language of the bill is that an inference of drug abuse “may be drawn” from an arrest within the past five years–it does not require that the inference be drawn.

Current federal law prohibits “unlawful user” of any controlled substance and federal regulations allow an inference of unlawful use to be drawn if the person has “multiple arrests for such offenses within the past 5 years if the most recent arrest occurred within the past year.” 27 CFR 478.11. The original Senate fix gun checks bill modifies that definition to allow an inference of unlawful use for a drug arrest within the past five years.  The House version of the bill does not include this provision.

As for Kopel’s claims regarding psychological counseling and guns:

Regarding the mental health claim, the Fix Gun Checks bill does not promote a lifetime ban for “anyone who has ever been ordered to receive counseling for any mental problem.”  Instead, the bill classifies a person as prohibited if they are ordered by a court, board or other lawful authority, “in response to marked subnormal intelligence, mental illness or incompetency,” to receive counseling.

Current federal law prohibits anyone who has been involuntarily committed to a mental hospital or “adjudicated as a mental defective,” which includes people who have been found incompetent to stand trial.  27 CFR 478.11.  The Fix Gun Checks bill extends that definition to include anyone who has been ordered by a court or other lawful authority to receive mental health treatment “in response to marked subnormal intelligence, mental illness or incompetency.”  Also, it does not apply to anyone who voluntarily seeks mental health treatment.  

So what does this all mean, gentle reader?

It’s simple: if this is right, Kopel is lying, and the Denver Post, through negligence or complicity, is helping. The response we easily obtained from Bloomberg’s group appears nowhere in Lee’s story. In fact, there’s nothing whatsoever to give readers an indication Kopel may not be telling the truth–Lee actually validates Kopel’s nonsense by asserting it is “referring to proposed legislation supported by Bloomberg in Washington.” That’s just not true, folks.

Anyway, we assume Mayor Bloomberg knows how to ask for a correction. We just wanted to point out for our record how silly and one-sided Kurtis Lee’s “journalism” is in this case. And we’re obligated to note that this is not the first such incident with him.

Secretary of Commerce Hickenlooper, Anyone?

Sources are discussing today the possibility, as of now very much unconfirmed, that Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper may be offered the job of Secretary of Commerce, replacing former Secretary John Bryson who resigned over the summer due to medical reasons.

This comes to us from a credible source. That said, we’re not at all sure this would be the best move for Hickenlooper career-wise, especially given his rumored higher aspirations. On the other hand, the degree to which Hickenlooper considers an offer would say plenty about how realistic he considered those aspirations.

In any event, it would be quite the Gold Dome shake-up, wouldn’t it?

Boehner’s Caucus Needs Caulking

Republican disagreement over the “Fiscal Cliff” is growing by the day, if not the hour. A CNN headline this afternoon says it all: “GOP Divide Over Obama Tax Plan Goes Public.”

A rift among House Republicans on whether to give Obama what the wants became public Wednesday, with two conservatives saying the tax proposal would likely pass if brought to a vote.

House Speaker John Boehner immediately shot down the call by veteran Rep. Tom Cole of Oklahoma for the chamber to approve the Senate measure, saying he disagreed with his colleague. House GOP aides insisted there was no plan to bring the proposal up for a vote.

However, the public call by Cole — which echoed similar statements from conservatives in recent weeks — as well as his prediction that the Senate proposal would pass in the House showed an increasing desire among House Republicans to move beyond an issue that has harmed them…

…”I think right now my advice to the leadership is that they should let the Democrats pass a tax increase because we will see that the economy will stall because of that tax increase, and then they will own it completely,” [Idaho Republican Rep Raul] Labrador said, despite his personal opposition to such a measure.

It’s really hard to see a good ending for Republicans on this debate, and that quote from Rep. Labrador betrays the GOP anxiety. When individual Republicans are messaging around a vote that hasn’t occurred, it clearly shows that there is no appetite to continue avoiding the inevitable.

The cracks in the GOP caucus are too pronounced to mend at this point, and the longer Speaker Boehner delays on a floor vote, the worse it becomes for Republicans.  

PENN PENSION PROPOSAL: REDUCE FUTURE ACCRUAL RATES.

PENNSYLVANIA GOVERNOR RELEASES PENSION REFORM PLAN: YET ANOTHER “LESS DRASTIC” ALTERNATIVE TO THE BREACH OF VESTED RETIREE PENSION CONTRACTS.

–  ACCRUED PENSION BENEFITS WILL BE HONORED; HOWEVER GOV. CORBETT WILL PURSUE CHANGES TO CURRENT EMPLOYEE RATES OF PENSION BENEFIT ACCRUAL GOING FORWARD.

– NO ATTEMPT TO BREACH CONTRACTS, OR TAKE VESTED RETIREE PENSION BENEFITS.  “THE TAXPAYER BEARS THE ENTIRE INVESTMENT RISK OF THE PLAN.”  “THIS UNFUNDED LIABILITY IS ESSENTIALLY A STATE DEBT.”  “A HEALTHY FUNDING RATIO IS CONSIDERED 80 PERCENT.”  “THIS IS A DEBT OWED, AN OBLIGATION ON WHICH THE STATE MUST MAKE GOOD.”

On November 26, 2012, Pennsylvania’s Governor released a proposal for pension reform in the state.  He proposes that the state honor its current public pension debts to retirees, (as well as accrued pension benefits of current employees.)  The Governor proposes that the rate at which current employees accrue public pension benefits going forward be reduced.  This is essentially a proposal made by Professor Amy Monahan of the University of Minnesota School of Law.  

The Governor’s proposal is admirable in that it does not attempt to deny the state’s public pension debt.  Denial of the state’s public pension debt is the immoral and illegal approach that was taken by the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees in SB 10-001, adopted at the 2010 session of the Colorado General Assembly.

A reduction of the rate of future accrual of public pension benefits by current employees is unquestionably a “less drastic” alternative than the actions taken by the Colorado Legislature . . . breach of vested PERA pensioner contracts.  This immoral and illegal act on the part of the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees will delay true, legal, prospective pension reform in Colorado by up to five years, thus the PERA Board action’s will result in Colorado taxpayers bearing additional billions in public pension debt.  A question exists regarding whether this action on the part of the PERA Board constitutes breach of fiduciary duty.

The Governor of Pennsylvania also forthrightly states that public pensions are well-funded at an 80 percent funded level.  Thus, he agrees with the U.S. ratings firm, Fitch Ratings, and with professionals in public pension administration in the United States who are not seeking to welch on the public pension debt.  This position of Pennsylvania’s Governor exposes the stunning level of deceit and hypocrisy in this regard on the part of the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees.

Here are excerpts from a recent news article in Pennsylvania:

“Gov. Tom Corbett’s Budget Office released the Keystone Pension Report Monday in a press release, providing a comprehensive overview of Pennsylvania’s public pensions and demonstrating the impact pension contributions and unfunded liabilities have on the state’s budget.”

“The report outlines the current pension situation facing Pennsylvania, identifies factors that have contributed to Pennsylvania’s pension crisis, and offers a framework for considering structural redesign and reform of the pension system to ensure long-term stability of the plans.”

“We will not touch accrued benefits, nor will we allow the pension problem to continue for future generations.  We need to fix this problem for the future stability of both the pension systems and the commonwealth’s budget.”

Full article available at this link:

http://www.whptv.com/news/loca…

Governor Corbett’s Keystone Pension Report is available for download at www.budget.state.pa.us.

From the Keystone report:

“Like the stone that locks an arch into place, Pennsylvania seeks a keystone-that integral lock that can both secure the delivery of essential programs and services to our more than 12 million residents and make good on the state’s pension obligations to public employees.”

“Reform must pave the way to a future that enables us to provide sustainable support for the core functions of state government and fulfill our consitutional mandates, while meeting our pension obligations to Pennsylvania’s state government and public school employees.”

“An important characteristic of DB plans is that the commonwealth, and ultimately the taxpayer, bears the entire investment risk of the plan, which is reflected in the annual employer contribution rate that the commonwealth must contribute.”

(My comment: Colorado PERA, apparently, does not understand that PERA retirees do not bear market risk.  This is extremely odd, since Colorado PERA employs more than 200 public pension professionals.)

“In other words, the total liabilities (future retirement benefits to be paid) exceed the total assets of the combined plans by $41 billion in 2012.  It is important to note that this unfunded liability is essentially a state debt owed to state workers and public school employees.”

“The latest actuarial valuations show that SERS is 65.3 percent funded, while PSERS is 69.1 percent funded.  When the valuations of the two systems are combined, as Exhibit 9 shows, they are just under 68 percent funded.  A healthy funding ratio is considered 80 percent. The funded ratios of the two systems are expected to continue to decline in the next several years, hitting a low of 55.2 percent for SERS and 59.4 percent for PSERS before they begin to slightly rebound.”

“Former public and school district employees worked throughout their careers to feel secure in the fact that the pension payments they now receive in retirement will not be affected by any reform that the commonwealth undertakes.”

“That being said, components of current employee’s prospective benefit can be changed to conform with prior court determinations regarding deferred compensation.  Given the current state of both pension systems, it may be necessary to explore changes to prospective benefits for all current public and school district employees.”

“Pennsylvania has incurred $41 billion in unfunded liability.  This is a debt owed, an obligation on which the state must make good.”

“As part of their pension reform efforts, several states have instituted increased member contributions.  Depending upon the state, increases have been instituted for either current or new employees, and in some cases, both.”

“Increasing the retirement age even two to three additional years can yield significant savings. Pension benefits would still remain competitive, while allowing public and school employees to retire with security.”

“Changes in how the basic pension formula is calculated, particularly the factor by which years of service and salary are multiplied could result in significant long-term stability to the systems.”

Governor Corbett’s public pension reform proposal has been advocated by Law Professor Amy Monahan at the University of Minnesota School of Law.

In her paper, Public Pension Reform: The Legal Framework, Monahan writes:

“What if, ten years into X’s tenure with the state, the state announces that effective immediately, pension benefits will only accrue at the rate of 1% of salary per year?  I have argued that such prospective changes should be permitted absent an explicit agreement protecting against such changes.”

Monahan concludes:

“This Article has argued that pension benefits that have already been earned through services rendered to the state should be protected against impairment, but that it is hard to find legal justification for protecting the rate of future benefit accruals.”

Link to Monahan law article:

http://www.law.umn.edu/faculty…

Colorado Labor Leaders Push Social Security, Medicare Protection

A press release this morning from the Colorado AFL-CIO:

Colorado labor leaders are in Washington D.C. today to discuss the severe impacts to Colorado of a Congressional deal from the lame duck Congress. According to a new report released by the AFL-CIO, 693,000 Coloradans could be negatively impacted if Congress attempts cuts to Social Security, including 94,000 people with disabilities and 47,000 children. Of the 619,000 who get their health care coverage from Medicaid, 374,000 children and 49,000 seniors could be affected if the lame duck Congress makes cuts to Medicaid benefits. Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid combined deliver $17.8 billion per year into Colorado’s economy.

“We are in Washington today to let our Congressional delegation know the importance of protecting Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security and other vital services that support our working families,” said Mike Cerbo, executive director of the Colorado AFL-CIO. “Retirees, people with disabilities and children shouldn’t have to suffer because some in Congress want to give more tax breaks to the very richest. We need to create an economy that works for everyone and rebuild the middle class-and that doesn’t start with balancing the budget on their backs.”

As the so-called “fiscal cliff” approaches, members of Congress have suggested cuts to benefits for Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid even while calling for renewing tax cuts for the richest 2%. If those tax cuts are renewed, the richest 2% in Colorado would receive an average of $31,650 in tax cuts, while the rest of Coloradans would receive an average of $1,340. The 2012 House Republican budget plan would cut federal support to Colorado’s Medicaid program by at least $7.1 billion (22 percent) over 10 years.

Read AFL’s one-pager of facts on Colorado and the fiscal debate in Washington here.

COLORADO PERA ATTEMPTS TO DECEIVE THE COLORADO SUPREME COURT.

Both the plaintiffs and the defendants in the Colorado public pension case, Justus v. State, have appealed to the Colorado Supreme Court.  

To recap, in 2010, the Colorado Legislature breached its contracts for pension COLA benefits owed to retired, long-time employees . . . the retired employees immediately sued.  In 2011, a lower court determined that the retired employees did not have a contractual right to their pension COLA benefits . . . the retired employees immediately appealed this ruling to the Colorado Court of Appeals.  In 2012, the Colorado Court of Appeals read Colorado pension case law, and determined that the retired employees (as they had been told for 30 years) did indeed have a contractual right to their pension COLA benefits, but that the lower court should apply a test to determine if it was acceptable for the State to seize their property.  Thus, we arrive at the present, with the State of Colorado and its pension-administering arm (Colorado PERA) still seeking to breach contracts with long-time retired employees, and the retired employees unwilling to lie down quietly for a fleecing.

These retired employees want the Colorado Supreme Court to decide that they have a contractual right to their pension COLA benefit, and that under Colorado law, this right is independent of any test for acceptable state seizure of their contracted pension benefits that may be applied.  The State of Colorado and Colorado PERA liked the lower court ruling, that retirees have no contractual right to the pension COLA (even though, unfortunately for their case PERA has put it in writing that the retirees do have such a contractual right.)  Both sides have appealed to the Colorado Supreme Court.

In this article, I will expose what are, in my opinion, deliberate attempts on the part of this pension administrator, Colorado PERA, to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court.  

Colorado PERA is an organization that boasts about its “transparency.”  Having read Colorado PERA’s submission to the Colorado Supreme Court in the case Justus v. State, I am ready to concede that Colorado PERA has achieved a measure of “transparency.”  

While reading PERA’s brief submitted to the Colorado Supreme Court I was impressed by the “transparency” of PERA’s deception.

(I’ll address what I believe are deceptions included in the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief later in this article, but first, a look at the Colorado Supreme Court’s rules relating to candor.)

After I put down the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief, I picked up a copy of the Colorado Supreme Court’s Rules of Professional Conduct and read about the duty of candor before the court.

Here’s a link to the Colorado Supreme Court Rules of Professional Conduct:

http://www.coloradosupremecour…

Admittedly, I am a layperson, so I have no idea of what constitutes acceptable tactics in civil litigation.  And, we should not forget that all attorneys have an obligation to “zealously” defend the interests of their clients.  However, without drawing any firm conclusions, read a few of the excerpts that I have taken from the Colorado Supreme Court Rules below, and see if you do not agree me that Colorado PERA is walking very close to the ethical line.

From the Colorado Supreme Court Rules of Professional Conduct:

“An advocate (attorney) is responsible for pleadings and other documents prepared for litigation, but is usually not required to have personal knowledge of matters asserted therein, for litigation documents ordinarily present assertions by the client, or by someone on the client’s behalf, and not assertions by the lawyer.”

(My comment: My interpretation of this Colorado Supreme Court rule relating to candor of attorneys is that it is the responsibility of the client [here, Colorado PERA] to be forthright in providing information to the attorney.  In my opinion, Colorado PERA is attempting to deceive the Colorado Supreme Court.  Accordingly, I hold Colorado PERA entirely responsible for the deception I perceive in their Supreme Court Brief, and find no fault with the attorneys PERA has also deceived.  Actually, I feel a bit sorry for the attorneys.  What were all those years in school for?  To try and break clear contractual rights of old people?)

More from the Rules of Professional Conduct:

“There are circumstances where failure to make a disclosure is the equivalent of an affirmative misrepresentation.”

“A lawyer shall not knowingly: (3) offer evidence that the lawyer knows to be false.  If a lawyer, the lawyer’s client, or witness called by the lawyer has offered material evidence and the lawyer comes to know of its falsity, the lawyer shall take reasonable remedial measures, including, if necessary, disclosure to the tribunal.”

(My comment: I have covered Colorado PERA’s attempts at deception through the use of statistics, in particular the “market-based” pension funded ratio . . . ad nauseam.  But, PERA has high hopes for this line of deceit and stubbornly refuses to give it up.  I don’t believe that the “market-based” funded ratio that Colorado PERA uses in its Supreme Court Brief is “false.”  ‘Market-based’ funded ratios are one measure of the fiscal soundness of public pensions.  However; in my opinion Colorado PERA uses this “market-based” funded ratio in the Supreme Court Brief in attempt to mislead the Colorado Supreme Court.  I do think this is a ridiculous and sophomoric tactic, since the Colorado Supreme Court will surely discover the attempt to deceive.

Colorado PERA uses the “market-based” funded ratio in its Supreme Court Brief to exaggerate the financial condition of the PERA trust funds with hopes of bolstering its case to breach pensioner contracts.  Colorado PERA fails to identify the funded ratio it cites a number of times in its Colorado Supreme Court Brief as a “market-based” funded ratio, and thus, I believe intends to deceive the court.  

PERA intends to deceive the Supreme Court by failing to inform the court that the funded ratios used in the legislation subject to court scrutiny (SB 10-001) are “actuarial funded ratios (AFR),” and that AFRs have traditionally been used by Colorado PERA to measure the funded status of the PERA trust funds.  PERA has almost exclusively used AFRs in the past.  It is only at the beginning of the PERA campaign to breach pensioner contracts that PERA began using “market-based” funded ratios.  The funded ratio in the title of the bill, SB 10-001 is an actuarial funded ratio.  I return to “market-based” funded ratios at the end of this article.)

More from the Rules of Professional Conduct:

“This Rule sets forth the special duties of lawyers as officers of the court to avoid conduct that undermines the integrity of the adjudicative process.”

“. . . the lawyer must not allow the tribunal to be misled by false statements of law or fact or evidence that the lawyer knows to be false.”

“A lawyer acting as an advocate in an adjudicative proceeding has an obligation to present the client’s case with persuasive force.”

“Paragraph (a)(3) requires that the lawyer refuse to offer evidence that the lawyer knows to be false, regardless of the client’s wishes. This duty is premised on the lawyer’s obligation as an officer of the court to prevent the trier of fact from being misled by false evidence.”  

“The prohibition against offering false evidence only applies if the lawyer knows that the evidence is false.”

“Thus, although a lawyer should resolve doubts about the veracity of testimony or other evidence in favor of the client, the lawyer cannot ignore an obvious falsehood.”

“Although paragraph (a)(3) only prohibits a lawyer from offering evidence the lawyer knows to be false, it permits the lawyer to refuse to offer testimony or other proof that the lawyer reasonably believes is false.  Offering such proof may reflect adversely on the lawyer’s ability to discriminate in the quality of evidence and thus impair the lawyer’s effectiveness as an advocate.”

“But the alternative is that the lawyer cooperates in deceiving the court, thereby subverting the truth-finding process which the adversary system is designed to implement.”

“Fair competition in the adversary system is secured by prohibitions against destruction or concealment of evidence . . .”

Now . . . let’s take a look at the new Colorado PERA Brief submitted to the Colorado Supreme Court.

COLORADO PERA’S SUPREME COURT BRIEF – AN ATTEMPT TO SUBVERT THE COLORADO SUPREME COURT’S “TRUTH-FINDING PROCESS.”

Sadly, Colorado PERA repeats many of the same deceptions in its Supreme Court Brief that have been included in earlier briefs it has submitted to the Denver District Court and the Colorado Court of Appeals.  (What is it with deception in legal briefs?   Is this standard operating procedure?  I am amazed!)

Below I provide what I believe are significant excerpts from the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief and my comments on those excerpts.

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The decision also has wider implications on the legislature and the State: the creation of enforceable public contracts by statute despite the intent and historical practice of the legislature and the reasonable expectations of the parties.”

“Plaintiffs could have no reasonable expectation that ever-changing COLA formulas would freeze, for the first time, when they retired.”

(My comment: PERA attorneys, EVEN YOUR CLIENT HAS THESE EXPECTATIONS . . . THAT THE COLA BENEFIT IS AN ENFORCEABLE PUBLIC CONTRACT!  If Colorado PERA, your client, has these expectations, why should PERA pensioners not also have these expectations?  PERA attorneys, please take a minute to read the words of your client provided in testimony to the General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee.  Your client put it in writing that PERA pensioners have a contractual right to their COLA benefits.  Colorado PERA believes that pensioners have such a contractual right . . . that belief goes beyond a “reasonable expectation.”

Colorado PERA in a written document, to the Colorado General Assembly’s Joint Budget Committee on December 16, 2009 states that the PERA COLA benefit IS a contractual obligation of PERA, “The General Assembly cannot decrease the COLA (absent actuarial necessity) because it is part of the contractual obligations that accrue under a pension plan protected under the Colorado Constitution Article II, Section 11 and the United States Constitution Article 1, Section 10 for vested contractual rights.”

Link:

http://www.kentlambert.com/Fil…

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“But this mandatory language bound the PERA administrator while the statutes were in effect-not future legislatures.”

(My comment:  Heads up PERA attorneys, as noted above, the “PERA administrator” you refer to here has testified to the Colorado General Assembly [and helpfully reduced this testimony to writing] that PERA’s pension COLA benefits ARE INDEED a contractual obligation.

PERA attorneys, your client doesn’t believe your argument that the statutes only bind the “pension administrator.”  Your client wrote that the General Assembly cannot decrease the contracted COLA . . . THAT THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IS BOUND, not the pension administrator.  Did this not come up in your meetings with your client?  Your client’s testimony is on the record, it has been recorded at the Legislature.  It is not going to simply disappear.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The General Assembly considered readjusting the COLA for retirees as the last option, only after it became evident that no other viable contribution and benefit changes could prevent the pension fund from running out of money.”

(My comment: As you know, I believe that the General Assembly reduced the contracted PERA COLA benefit from retirees [thus breaching pensioner contracts] as a FIRST OPTION.  I believe that the General Assembly created a faГ§ade of deliberation to mask a predetermined attempt to breach the PERA pension COLA contractual obligation.

Colorado PERA contends that “no other viable contribution and benefit changes” were available.  In reality, no other POLITICALLY viable contribution and benefit changes were available.  Colorado PERA left the determination of the pension breach strategy to the 17-member PERA Contract Breach Lobbying Troop.

Here at saveperacola.com, dozens of viable “less drastic” alternatives to pension contract breach have been documented.  Numerous states have demonstrated for Colorado PERA the path to legal, prospective pension reform.  These options were ignored by Colorado PERA and the General Assembly.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The (District) court held: ‘While Plaintiffs unarguably have a contractual right to their PERA pension itself . . .’

(My comment: As I noted last year, I am curious as to how the Denver District Court arrived at this conclusion that “plaintiffs unarguably have a contractual right to their PERA pension itself” without citing either the McPhail or Bills cases in its decision?  On what authority did the Denver District Court base this determination?  Was it pulled out of thin air?)

In the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief, PERA’s attorneys write in regard to the pension cases McPhail and Bills: “Those dated cases are distinguishable.”

(My comment:  Let’s get this straight for the record: Colorado PERA’s attorneys believe that the Colorado Supreme Court decisions in McPhail and Bills that address the contractual nature [under the COLORADO constitution’s Contract Clause] of post-retirement benefit increases for retired public employees who have vested rights in Colorado public pensions are “distinguishable,” and that the Supreme Court should not rely on their own authority.

Instead, Colorado PERA’s attorneys argue that the Colorado Supreme Court should rely on a case [DeWitt] that addressed a “statutory revocation of a testator’s former wife’s interest in a life insurance policy” based on FEDERAL Contract Clause authority, a case in no manner involving “vested rights to employee benefits,” a case concerning the “retroactive application of a Uniform Probate Code provision which automatically revoked the designation of a divorced spouse as a life insurance beneficiary.”  Got it?)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The result is contrary to legal precedent governing the legislature’s formation of public contracts with private individuals, and has far reaching implications because it binds the hands of this and all future legislatures which, under the court of appeals’ decision, are now bound by a contract the legislature did not intend to enter.”

(My comment: The Court of Appeals ruling is not contrary to legal precedent.  As noted earlier in the PERA Colorado Supreme Court Brief, Colorado pension precedents have existed for more than fifty years . . . McPhail and Bills.

The Colorado General Assembly has been aware of this pension precedent for half a century.  The General Assembly has known for decades that public pension benefits are its contractual obligations.  Thus, the General Assembly has for decades amended the PERA statutes in a careful manner that does not impair its PERA pensioner contracts.  For fifty years, the General Assembly has known of its contractual pension obligations.  The General Assembly has adopted legal, prospective PERA pension reforms in the past to diminish its pension unfunded liabilities.  If the General Assembly wanted to further diminish its contractual pension obligations, it had the opportunity to do so through the adoption of additional legal, prospective pension reforms over all of these decades.)

From the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision: Plaintiffs are Not Claiming an UNCHANGEABLE COLA – Plaintiffs are Claiming an IRREDUCIBLE COLA.  

This concept is obviously difficult for Colorado PERA administrators to grasp.  It was not difficult for the Colorado Court of Appeals.

From the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision:

“We note, however, that plaintiffs contend that they have a reasonable expectation of an irreducible (not, as defendants assert, an unchangeable) COLA. Therefore, we direct the district court to consider whether there has been a substantial impairment with that in mind.”

Here are a few examples of PERA’s ongoing deception in this regard . . . now infecting its Brief submitted to the Colorado Supreme Court:

“The legislature had previously readjusted the COLA formula for PERA retirees ten times in forty years . . .”,

“retiree COLAs would once again require readjustment.”,

” . . . the General Assembly had changed COLAs ten times and DPSRS had changed COLAs twelve times during the decades preceding 2010.”,

“There cannot be entitlement to something no Plaintiff ever received: a COLA frozen for life at the rate that happened to be in effect when each became eligible to retire or retired.”

(My comment:  I find this PERA red herring [the “COLAs as unchangeable” tactic of deception] quite tedious.  Clearly, what is “unchangeable” is this PERA tactic of deception itself.

Since the commencement of litigation in Justus v, State, Colorado PERA has relentlessly argued that the plaintiffs in the case Justus v, State object to “changes,” or “adjustments” in the rate of their contracted COLA, or that they seek a “frozen” COLA.  Plaintiffs DO NOT object to “changes,” or “adjustments” in the COLA rate, they object to retroactive, unconstitutional “reductions” in the COLA rate.  Plaintiffs object to the taking of their property – their contracted pension COLA benefits by the State.  [Obviously, improving PERA retiree COLA benefits would not breach retiree pension contracts . . . the retirees would not be harmed if their pension benefits were increased.]  

Instead of acknowledging up front that the plaintiffs in the case Justus v. State were contesting the provisions of SB 10-001 that REDUCED the PERA retiree COLA benefit, the defendants in the case [PERA and the State of Colorado] have employed this “red herring,” claiming that the plaintiffs were arguing that the COLA benefit could not be legally “adjusted,” that it was UNCHANGEABLE.

The Colorado Court of Appeals, in their Decision, saw through this PERA red herring.  In reversing the Denver District Court decision, the Colorado Court of Appeals specifically ordered the lower court to ignore PERA’s attempted deception.  It is astonishing, but Colorado PERA still will not give up this particular line of deception.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“One of the ‘gravest duties impressed upon the courts’ is declaring legislation unconstitutional, which is why the presumption of constitutionality is so strong.”

(My comment:  States do not receive much deference in the courts when they are trying to break their own contracts – trying to escape their own financial obligations.  

From the Madiar article in the ABA Law Journal that we looked at a few weeks ago: “In 1977, however, the (U.S.) Supreme Court clarified that state attempts to impair their own contracts, ESPECIALLY FINANCIAL OBLIGATIONS, were subject to greater scrutiny and very little deference because the STATE’S SELF-INTEREST IS AT STAKE.  As the court bluntly stated:  

A governmental entity can always find a use for extra money, especially when taxes do not have to be raised.  If a state could reduce its financial obligations whenever it wanted to spend the money for what it regarded as an important public purpose, the Contract Clause would provide no protection at all . . . Thus, a state cannot refuse to meet its legitimate financial obligations simply because it would prefer to spend the money to promote the public good rather than the private welfare of its creditors.”)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The General Assembly, after extensive actuarial studies and input from retirees . . .”

(My comment: This “input from retirees” included “input” that the provisions of SB 10-001 were unconstitutional.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“It made ‘modifications to the public employees’ retirement association necessary to reach a one hundred percent funded ratio within the next thirty years.'”

(My comment:  As we have seen, Colorado PERA has had an internal board policy in the past to cap the PERA trust funds at a 90 percent funded ratio.  Thus, when Colorado PERA’s 17-member lobbying troop put this “100 percent funded ratio” threshold into SB 10-001, they codified the hypocrisy of the PERA Board of Trustees.  Also, we know that Fitch Ratings, one of the three large ratings firms in the United States, considers public pension funds to be “well-funded” at an 80 percent actuarial funded ratio.  We also know that according to the Federal Reserve, public pension actuarial funded ratios in the 50 to 60 percent range were typical in the 1970s and yet pension contractual rights were, nevertheless, upheld by U.S. courts.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“This broad new view of government contracting could affect other types of government legislation and create other unintended private contractual rights.”

(My comment:  This is not a “broad new view of government contracting.”  Public pension rights have been considered to be contractual obligations for nearly a century.  PERA attorneys, for your edification, Professor Amy Monahan writes: “The legal protection of public pensions has undergone significant change in the last century.  Historically, public pensions in this country were viewed as mere gratuities that could be withdrawn or amended by the state at any time. Unsatisfied with a legal rule that allowed states to freely abrogate pension obligations, the vast majority of states have rejected the gratuity theory and instead protect public pensions under contract or property rights theories.”

Link:

http://www.ncsl.org/documents/…

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Current and future employees will pay the highest rates in PERA’ s history while working up to a decade longer before retirement.”

(My comment:  This Colorado PERA assertion in its Supreme Court Brief is also designed to mislead the court.  Under SB 10-001, age and service requirements for PERA retirement eligibility were NOT altered for current vested employees.  Age and service requirements were extended for future hires [notably, those to whom Colorado PERA has no contractual obligations].  Current PERA members will work not one day longer before retirement under the provisions of SB 10-001.  The addition of time to the age and service retirement eligibility requirements of current employees [although of questionable constitutionality] is clearly “less drastic” than the intentional breach of PERA pensioner contracts.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The need for review and deference to the General Assembly is particularly acute where, as here, invalidating the statute would threaten not just legislative autonomy but also the fiscal stability of a multibillion dollar state retirement program.”

(My comment:  Colorado PERA’s attorneys have it backwards.  The fiscal stability of the PERA trust funds is not threatened by courts upholding the rule of law in the United States.  The fiscal stability of the PERA trust funds is threatened by PERA-affiliated employers that skip their annual required contributions to the pension, by a PERA Board of Trustees that fails to emphatically and regularly implore the General Assembly to meet pension obligations, by a PERA board that historically intended to underfund the PERA pension by ten percent, by politicians that have used the PERA pension trust funds as a “credit card,” historically skipping needed contributions to meet contractual obligations in order to make discretionary expenditures, by politicians who have irresponsibly slashed the state’s available revenues, and by politicians who have directed state resources to pay local government pension obligations that are not the responsibility of the State of Colorado.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Even with ambitious 8.5% returns, the state division would run out of money in 21 years and the school division would run out in 25 years.”

(My comment:  PERA’s divisions will not “run out of money” if the State of Colorado and other PERA-affiliated employers begin paying the annual required contributions that they have skipped for the last decade.  Also helpful would be the adoption of legal, prospective pension reform by the General Assembly, and appointment of a commission to examine additional revenue sources that could be directed to the PERA trust funds.  If the General Assembly acts responsibly, a future in which payments to PERA pensioners are taken directly from state general funds can be avoided.  The General Assembly is already making payments for pension obligations [those of local governments] directly from its general funds.)

In regard to the Opinion of the Colorado Court of Appeals, PERA’s attorneys write in the PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“The court nonetheless ignored the statutory language and did not consider repeated COLA changes, including ones made during Plaintiffs’ retirements.”

(My comment:  If anything, I desire to be a helpful layperson.  So, I’m going to help PERA’s attorneys find the language they’re looking for in the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision.

First, the consideration of “repeated COLA changes” in the Court of Appeals Decision – it’s hidden on pages #3 through #12.

Second, consideration of “the statutory language” is on pages 27 and 28 of the Court of Appeals Decision.  Attorneys, for your convenience, I have excerpted this material and present it below.

From pages 27 and 28 of the Colorado Court of Appeals Decision:

“Nonetheless, defendants attempt to distinguish McPhail and Bills by pointing out that the city charter provision at issue in those cases said that retirees ‘shall be entitled to an increase in the amount of their pension’ of a particular amount.'”

“True, the statutes at issue here do not use the word ‘entitled.’  But that makes no difference, for two reasons.  First, the court in McPhail and Bills did not mention the charter language in its analysis.  Instead, the court found a contractual right based on members’ provision of services and contributions to the retirement fund.”

“Second, the language in the statutes here is similar to that at issue in McPhail and Bills.”)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Plaintiffs not only ignore the extensive legislative record, but also the unanimous support from unions and retiree organizations . . .”

(My comment:  Far from “ignoring the extensive legislative record,” plaintiffs with their limited resources [no pension trust funds to raid for this purpose you know] have scrutinized the legislative record and have observed a Colorado General Assembly that has, through its mismanagement and neglect, created a mess.  Now this Colorado General Assembly, irresponsibly and illegally, wants to push this mess off onto a bunch of elderly pensioners.  As to “unanimous support from retiree organizations,” I want to point out that SavePERACOLA IS a retiree organization.  Indeed, SavePERACOLA is a retiree organization that informed the General Assembly at the outset that its proposed actions were unconstitutional.)

Colorado Court of Appeals: The Minnesota and South Dakota Cases Have No Relevance to the case Justus v. State.

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“Plaintiffs, through counsel who filed similar (since-rejected) lawsuits in Minnesota and South Dakota . . . ”

(My comment:  The Colorado Court of Appeals found that the defendants [Colorado PERA and the state] erred in their reliance on recent court decisions relating to COLA benefits in Minnesota and South Dakota.  The Court of Appeals determined that these two cases have no relevance to the case Justus v. State [the cases are “distinguishable.”]  The Colorado Court of Appeals Decision explains why these two cases are not germane to Justus v. State.  PERA attorneys, I know you liked these cases, sorry.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

” . . . the General Assembly has never reduced any existing PERA pension base benefit.”

(My comment:  Nor has the General Assembly impaired its pension COLA contractual obligations prior to SB 10-001.)

Colorado PERA’s Repeat of the “Market-Based” Pension Funding Ratio Deception in its Colorado Supreme Court Brief.

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“During the 2008 recession, PERA suffered losses totaling $11.8 billion and its funding ratio fell to 52% . . .”

“The recent economic crisis indisputably caused the PERA pension fund to lose nearly $12 billion in 2008 alone and to fall to 52% funded at the end of 2008.”

(My comments:  Colorado PERA has not hesitated to deceive PERA members, the public, and lower courts regarding measures of the fiscal soundness of the PERA trust funds.  PERA repeats this deception in its Colorado Supreme Court Brief, attempting to exaggerate the financial condition of the PERA trust funds by substituting a volatile, non-traditional “market-based” pension funded ratio for the industry-standard, accepted measure of pension funding, the “actuarial funded ratio.”  As we have seen, actuarial funded ratios [AFR] have been used by Colorado PERA throughout its history.  AFRs are widely used in public defined benefit administration because their use is mandated by federal regulatory agencies.

Here is a description of the term “actuarial funded ratio” from the website of the National Association of State Retirement Administrators:

“The most recognized measure of a public retirement plan’s ability to meet current and future obligations is its actuarial funding ratio, derived by dividing the actuarial value of a plan’s assets by the value of its liabilities.”

Colorado PERA has used this “market-based” funding ratio deception in its legal briefs, legal arguments, and public propaganda.  Colorado PERA now brings this deception to the Colorado Supreme Court chambers.

Here are a few examples of Colorado PERA’s historical use of “actuarial funded ratios” in communications to PERA members:

Colorado PERA Update – [Spring 2006 – page 4]: “See that PERA’s [actuarial] funded status was lower [61.5 percent] 30 years ago than what it is now. You may recall that there was no perceived “crisis” in PERA’s funded status in 1975.”

Colorado PERA News Archive for 2004 [9-16-2004]: “PERA’S [actuarial] funded level was below 60 percent in 1970, and there was not a perceived crisis in PERA’s financial health.”

The very bill that Colorado PERA is attempting to defend, SB 10-001, uses “actuarial funded ratios” as a measure of the PERA trust fund’s solvency.  The “100% funded ratio” in the title of SB 10-001 is an “actuarial funded ratio.”  The triggers in SB 10-001 are linked to “actuarial funded ratios.”

In considering the case Justus v. State, it is important that the Colorado Supreme Court know the difference between “market-based” pension funded ratios and “actuarial funded ratios [AFR].”

At the end of 2008, the combined AFR of the PERA trust funds was 69.8 percent.  [Not nearly as scary as PERA’s “52%” figure.]  The Supreme Court should see the PERA trust fund’s combined 2008 “actuarial funded ratio” of 69.8% in an historical perspective.  During the 40-year period, 1970 to 2009, the PERA “actuarial funded ratio” ranged from a low of 54.5 percent in 1973 to a high of 105.2 percent in 2000.  The average actuarial funded ratio over this 40-year period is 78 percent.  At the end of 2008, the PERA actuarial funded ratio of 69.8% was mere 8.2% lower than the average PERA actuarial funded ratio over the 40 year period.  At the end of 2008, PERA’s actuarial funded ratio of 69.8 percent was 10.2 percent below an 80 percent actuarial funded ratio, considered “well-funded” by Fitch Ratings.  During an eleven-year span, from 1970 to 1981, PERA’s actuarial funded ratio was actually lower than it was at the end of 2008, and yet there was no PERA campaign during those eleven years to take vested, earned, accrued, contracted PERA retiree pension benefits.  At the time of the breach of retiree pension contracts in SB 10-001, the difference between the Colorado PERA actuarial funded ratio and Wilshire Associates average actuarial funded ratio for 57 state retirement systems was 3.1 percent.  Should pension contracts for all of these public pension plans be breached at this level? According to Colorado PERA, the answer is yes.

A memorandum [see link below], prepared by the staff of the Colorado General Assembly, provides the historical “actuarial funded ratio” for the Colorado PERA Trust Funds.  Colorado PERA is the source of the historical “actuarial funded ratio” statistics displayed in the memorandum.

Link:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

A 2006 Federal Reserve paper, by Ronald A Wirtz, notes that public pension funded ratios in the 50 to 60 percent range were typical in the 1970s:

“From a long-term perspective, however, one can’t really pin too much of the pension problem on the recent stock market pullback-in fact, it’s been a savior for most pensions.  Rewind 50 years, and almost all pension assets were invested in U.S. bonds and other fixed-income sorts of securities.  Though comparatively safe in terms of protecting assets, such a portfolio could not generate the returns necessary for pension funds to keep up with the benefits promised by generous government employers.  During the 1970s, funding ratios generally hovered between 50 and 60 percent.”  If the rule of law in the United States somehow survived the low funded ratios of public pension plans in the last century, I believe that we can also make it through this century without breaching public pension contracts.

Colorado PERA claims that, considering the financial condition of the PERA Trust Funds in recent years, the PERA trust funds could not be “sustained” short of the taking of contracted benefits in SB 10-001.  I ask, if the Colorado PERA Trust Funds could not be “sustained” with an “actuarial funded ratio” of 69 percent in 2009, how were the trust funds “sustained” in the past when the actuarial funding ratio approached 50 percent?  Obviously, PERA’s trust funds can be “sustained” when their “actuarial funded ratio” is in the 50-60 percent range, since the “actuarial funded ratio” has been there in the past and the pension trust funds still exist . . . the trust funds were “sustained” without breaching contracts.)

From the Colorado PERA Supreme Court Brief:

“. . . it is important to underscore that this case is not about the right to COLAs. The General Assembly has preserved the cost-of-living protections for current and future retirees.”

(My comment:  I am astounded that PERA’s attorneys will write such rubbish.  If I take only half of the contents of a bank vault, have I “preserved” the contents of that bank vault for its owners?  After all, I did not take 100 percent of the contents of the bank vault.

Finally, Colorado PERA’s attorneys write, “. . . this case is not about the right to COLAs.”

So, now I can die – nothing I can ever hear will top this Colorado PERA statement.

P.S., PERA, smile, if I die your unfunded pension liabilities are reduced . . . no contract breach required.)

Cory Gardner, Doug Lamborn Join Susan Rice Bully Squad

Since the election, it’s been widely reported that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton intends to retire in the next few weeks. Speculation about her possible replacement is currently focused on Susan Rice, the United States ambassador to the United Nations. In the immediate aftermath of the attack on the American consulate in Benghazi, Libya on September 11th of this year, Rice initially stated on television that the attacks were due to protest over an anti-Muslim YouTube video, though it has been determined to have been a well-coordinated terrorist attack.

Republicans sought before the election to blow the Benghazi affair up into as large a scandal as possible for perfectly understandable political reasons. Now that the election is over, that motive still exists but with a longer view–and congressional Republicans are still pushing the issue. And to a point, they should. Democrats too are interested in fully accounting for what happened.

Unfortunately, as the Washington Post reported last week, Republicans are taking a reasonable point of inquiry way too far, and making a joke of their oversight responsibility:

97 House Republicans co-signed a letter this week warning President Obama that Rice’s public comments after the attack on the mission in Benghazi “caused irreparable damage to her credibility both at home and around the world.”

The members also told Obama that making Rice “the face of U.S. foreign policy” in the coming years as his next secretary of state “would greatly undermine your desire to improve U.S. relations with the world and continue to build trust with the American people.”

“Ambassador Rice is widely viewed as having either willfully or incompetently misled the American public in the Benghazi matter,” the lawmakers wrote. “Her actions plausibly give U.S. allies (and rivals) abroad reason to question U.S. commitment and credibility when needed.”

Signers of this letter include Colorado Reps. Cory Gardner and Doug Lamborn.

In an editorial today, USA TODAY outlines the stupidity, not to mention the almost comical hypocrisy, of Republicans going after Rice over her early comments about the Benghazi attack:

Working from talking points put together by intelligence officials and later edited by others, Rice peddled the story that the attack sprang from a spontaneous protest, spurred by an anti-Muslim video produced by an American.

That account turned out to be wrong, but it’s hardly a reason to block Rice’s potential nomination. After all, if misleading comments based on flawed intelligence were disqualifying, Colin Powell would have been forced to resign as George W. Bush’s secretary of State and Condoleezza Rice never would have succeeded Powell. Powell’s powerful speech before the United Nations in 2003, proclaiming proof of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, helped push the United States into a misguided war. Condoleezza Rice also touted the story line about Iraq’s supposed nuclear program, warning on CNN that “we don’t want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud.” No such weapons were found.

Susan Rice’s comments about events in Benghazi are at best a sideshow. Instead of obsessing about what she said on TV after the tragedy, lawmakers ought to be more concerned about finding out what went wrong and preventing a repeat. Why weren’t security warnings heeded and requests for more protection granted? As U.N. ambassador, Rice most likely had zero involvement with those decisions.

To summarize:

1. Even if they’re right, they’re going after the wrong person, and

2. How quickly they forget.

There’s another dimension to this story that we do want to address, though. Following the GOP’s letter and media tour against Susan Rice, who is African-American, some Democrats angrily reacted to singling her out for criticism. Rep. James Clyburn accused Republicans who signed the letter noted above of employing “racial code words,” in part by describing Susan Rice, a Rhodes scholar with a resumГ© to match anyone’s, as “incompetent.”

Without a doubt, the resumГ©s of politicians such as our own Cory Gardner and Doug Lamborn seem quite humble compared to Rice. And after the election we just had, where women and minority voters played a key role in GOP defeats around the nation, making your first big post-election splash by attacking a black woman really seems like a stupid thing to do–doesn’t it?

Bottom line: we’re not going to allege that Gardner and Lamborn had racist or sexist ulterior motives in signing on to this letter. But just as they have the right to throw around specious charges ripe for political backfire, you all have the right to think whatever you want about their motives. And the stereotype reinforced by this episode…is not about Susan Rice.

RICH, ATTRACTIVE STATE . . . SEEKS EASY CONTRACT BREACH.

COLORADANS ARE FREE TO ELECT “LOW TAX” POLITICIANS.  COLORADO POLITICIANS ARE FREE TO CREATE A “TAX HAVEN.”  HOWEVER, COLORADO VOTERS CANNOT EMPOWER POLITICIANS TO BREACH THE STATE’S CONTRACTS.

Outrageous.  

The Colorado General Assembly has been the primary contributor to the creation of Colorado PERA’s unfunded pension liabilities in recent decades.  For this body, the author of the PERA pension underfunding “problem,” to argue that the existence of this “problem” should somehow justify its breach of contractual public pension obligations is simply . . . outrageous.

Colorado is a relatively wealthy state.  There are sixty-four counties in Colorado.  Ten of these counties are among the 100 richest counties in the nation.  According to the U.S. Department of Commerce, Colorado now has the 15th highest per capita income in the nation.  I consider any attempt to breach contracts by a state that ranks 15th in the nation in per capita income to be outrageous.

As we have chronicled at saveperacola.com, the Colorado General Assembly has traditionally and intentionally slashed its available revenues . . . revenues that would otherwise have been available to the General Assembly to meet its contractual pension obligations.  The General Assembly has ignored its PERA pension contractual obligations.  It has directed one-half BILLION dollars to fund public pensions that are not its responsibility. It has repeatedly and inexplicably made $100 million discretionary grants from its purportedly “tight” revenues.  

Further, over a 17-year period, the Colorado General Assembly has artificially reduced its available financial resources through its own faulty legal reasoning.  The Colorado General Assembly’s own ineptitude (a 1992 OLLS legal opinion’s misinterpretation of the Arveschough-Bird fiscal limitations) artificially diminished revenues available to the State of Colorado for a 17-year period.  How much damage has this legal blunder done to state coffers over this 17-year period?  How much revenue did the state lose as a result of this faulty legal analysis?  Tell me why a relatively small group of Coloradans, PERA pensioners, should have their contracts with the state discarded due to the General Assembly’s claims of insufficient revenues.  Particularly, when the General Assembly’s actions have significantly reduced these available resources.  Why should PERA pensioners bear the burden of the Colorado General Assembly’s past legal mistakes?

As we have seen, the Colorado General Assembly: has ignored $4.3 billion of its annual required contributions to the PERA pension in just the last decade, has ignored legal pension funding options adopted by other states, and has succeeded in transforming the State of Colorado into a “tax haven.”  Over the decades, the General Assembly has given Coloradans one of the lowest tax burdens in the country, and in doing so, has intentionally cut available revenues that might have shored up the PERA pension plan.  The General Assembly has voluntarily made grants from its General Funds for purposes of discretionary property tax relief, while simultaneously claiming that it faces fiscal strife.  Who cannot see that this claim defies logic?

Many members of the Colorado General Assembly have supported the severe restriction of public resources available to the state.  Many supported the adoption of the TABOR constitutional amendment in 1992, and continue to support TABOR’s extreme restriction of public financial resources.  Indeed, the author of 1992 TABOR constitutional amendment has served as a member of the Colorado General Assembly.

In 1999 and 2000, the Colorado General Assembly, at the prompting of Governor Bill Owens, enacted tax cutting measures that significantly reduced the state’s future revenue stream.  This constituted a nearly criminal disregard for the ability of the state to meet its contractual obligations over time.  A Colorado General Assembly that has, by design, decimated its tax base, now beseeches the courts to license the abandonment of its contractual obligations.

The General Assembly has slashed the pension contributions of PERA-affiliated employers over the years.  A quotation from the Colorado Statesman:

“PERA’s troubles date back to 1999-2000, when the pension plan peaked at 104.7 percent on its ratio of assets to obligations (liabilities).  The Legislature was feeling flush, and passed bills reducing the employer contribution.”

Link:

http://www.coloradostatesman.c…

The group “Friends of PERA” tells us on their website:

“Rate cuts to PERA (affiliated employers) between 2000 and 2005 equaled some $325 million.”

Ten years ago, the Governor of Colorado allowed his own political preferences to harm the fiscal soundness of the PERA trust funds.  From the Silver and Gold Record archives:

“PERA reacted promptly to the market downturn in 2001.  In 2002, it developed a proposal that would have saved PERA millions of dollars in payments and brought in millions of dollars in additional revenue.  This plan was passed unanimously by the General Assembly in 2003 but was vetoed by Governor Bill Owens.”

How much damage to the PERA trust funds was caused by Governor Owens veto of this bill?  PERA retirees will not relinquish their vested pension rights in order to compensate for past pension mismanagement by politicians.

In 2009, the Colorado General Assembly could not be bothered to appoint a commission to study pension funding options prior to breaching pension contracts.  So it abdicated this policy-making responsibility to pension administrators and lobbyists.  Colorado PERA is one of the public pension plans in the United States that actively lobby its sponsoring governments, spending $400,000 for that purpose each year.  PERA pension administrators have used the trust funds of pension beneficiaries in a long-running and continuing program to influence members of the Legislature.  This fact alone should give pause to elected officials.  

One should also remember that the Colorado PERA Board determines the asset allocation for the PERA trust funds.  The PERA Board determined the portion of PERA’s portfolio that was exposed to equities prior to the most recent equities market downturn.  In lieu of increasing equity exposure in the PERA trust funds, the PERA Board had the option of requesting that the State of Colorado and other PERA-affiliated employers provide additional resources to invest in less volatile securities.  Has this ever occurred to the PERA Board?  Have they ever made this request?

Why should PERA pensioners, who bear no market risk, be forced to relinquish their property to compensate for asset allocation decisions made by the PERA Board?  The PERA Board intentionally places a significant portion of PERA trust funds into volatile common stocks and then is surprised that common stocks are volatile.  Then, the PERA Board argues that this volatility should permit their breach of contracts?

At the core of a defined benefit public pension plan is the assumption of market risk by the public pension plan sponsor.  This fact draws workers to the public employer members of the pension plan as part of the employment exchange transaction.  Will PERA’s administrators deny the very nature of public pension plans?

Further, administrators of public pension plans cannot reasonably claim ignorance of market volatility, even extreme market volatility.  They have experienced extreme market volatility on a number of occasions in just the last decade.  Public pension plan administrators are paid to manage this volatility, not to shift the consequences of their unsuccessful investment strategies onto others through the breach of contracts.  To paraphrase the author of a recent law review article: “The unanticipated severity of an anticipated event does not justify unilateral modification of a contract.”

Instead of adopting legal, prospective pension reforms (as have been adopted by numerous states) the Colorado PERA Board insisted that PERA pensioner contracts be breached.  This decision could ultimately delay true PERA pension reform in Colorado by 4-5 years.  These are years during which the PERA trust funds might have been on the road to financial strength through legal reform.

Make no mistake: Colorado taxpayers will eventually be forced pay billions of dollars in additional costs resulting from the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees’ decision to delay true, legal pension reform and instead pursue fruitless litigation.

A commentator in another state that is addressing public pension liabilities put it well:

” . . . a short-lived pension reform that is invalidated by court order after protracted litigation . . . would be a disservice to the taxpayers.”

Gino L. DiVito, Tabet DiVito & Rothstein LLC, Chicago, ILL

Colorado law allows the Governor to submit questions to the Colorado Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of proposed legislation.  This option was available to Governor Ritter and (through him) it was available to the General Assembly.  The Denver Post editorial board encouraged the General Assembly to make this request prior to enacting SB 10-001.  In addition to the Denver Post editorial board, Colorado PERA itself encouraged the General Assembly to send an interrogatory to the Colorado Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of its proposed pension reforms.  The General Assembly failed to do so.  From the Colorado Statesman:

“PERA also is hoping the Legislature will ask the Colorado Supreme Court to review the matter through interrogatories before the end of the session.”

Link:

http://www.coloradostatesman.c…

Question: If the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees possessed such confidence in its SB 10-001 pension reform proposal, why did the PERA Board of Trustees encourage the General Assembly to check the constitutionality of the proposal with the Colorado Supreme Court?  Obviously, the Colorado PERA Board of Trustees lacked confidence in the constitutionality of the proposal (contained in SB 10-001.)  If the PERA Board had complete confidence in the proposal . . . if the PERA Board had complete confidence in their 2009 outside legal opinion supporting the proposal . . . if the PERA Board had complete confidence in the legal advice they received from internal and external attorneys, then the PERA Board would not have desired that the Colorado Supreme Court check their work before they plunged headlong into litigation.

Question for the PERA Board and administrators: How did the leadership of the Colorado General Assembly explain their decision to forego a Colorado Supreme Court interrogatory on the constitutionality of SB 10-001’s provisions?  Who communicated this decision to you?  Senate President Brandon Shaffer?  What was the rationale?

Colorado is a Wealthy State, and . . . Colorado is a “Tax Haven.”

Should one of the wealthiest states in the nation (and a state that also enjoys one of the lowest tax burdens among the states) be permitted to breach its contractual pension obligations in order to further reduce that tax burden?

The Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute publishes a “Colorado Tax Fact Sheet.”  The source of much if the data in this fact sheet is the staff of the Colorado General Assembly.  The fact sheet is available at this link:

www.cclponline.org/postfiles/Taxes_fact_sheet.doc

What does a “tax haven” look like?  The Colorado Tax Fact Sheet shows us:

–  Colorado’s state tax collections are the second lowest in the nation.

–  Colorado’s combined state and local taxes are the seventh lowest in the nation.

–  Total Colorado taxation per $1000 of income has decreased over the past ten years.

–  Colorado’s corporate income tax rate is 4.63%, the same as the individual income tax rate.

–  Colorado ranks 42nd of 46 states in corporate income tax collections.

–  Twenty-nine states have a flat corporate income tax rate.  The lowest is Utah.  Colorado’s is the second lowest.

–  In 2001, Colorado’s sales tax rate was lowered from 3.0% to the current rate of 2.9%.

–  Colorado taxes the fewest number of services of any state.

–  There are a total of 71 exemptions from state sales and use taxes in Colorado law.  In 2009, Colorado’s exemptions accounted for $1.8 BILLION in lost revenue.

–  Colorado ranks 44th of 45 states in sales and use tax collections.

–  All other states include more services in their sales tax mix than does Colorado.

–  Colorado ranks 32nd out of the 50 states in fuel tax collections.

–  When the combined state severance tax and the local property tax is considered, Colorado ranks 4th of 5 western states (Wyoming, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Utah).

–  Colorado has no statewide property tax.  It was repealed by the legislature in 1964.  (My comment: In the decade following the repeal of the statewide property tax Colorado PERA’s actuarial funded ratio hit a low of 54.5 percent, yet there was no call to breach the state’s pension contracts.)

Colorado’s Public Expenditures Per Capita are 62 Percent Below the National Average.

The Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute also publishes a “Colorado Tax Primer.”  A PDF of the Colorado Tax Primer published on January, 2011 is available at the following link:

http://www.cclponline.org/uplo…

Below I provide a few relevant excerpts from the Colorado Tax Primer:

“Adequacy Compared to Other States:”

” . . . adequacy is measured by whether the system generates sufficient revenue to fund legislatively-enacted priorities.”

“Certain states (such as Colorado with the implementation of the Taxpayer Bill of Rights) have ignored the fundamental principle that the need for public services should drive the collection of tax revenue.  Instead, these states have flipped the principle on its head by capping tax revenue based on a formula that attempts to define the need for public services based on allowable revenue.”

(My comment: Recall that the constitutional TABOR amendment recognizes Colorado public pension obligations as “debt.”)

“There are multiple ways of measuring the adequacy of revenue as it translates into services. One such measure is state rankings.  Colorado consistently ranks low on expenditures when compared to other states.  Overall, in 2009 Colorado ranked 47th in spending per $1,000 of income.  A recent analysis shows that in order for Colorado to reach the national average in total spending per $1000 in income, the state’s General Fund spending would need to grow by $4.9 billion or 62 percent.”

“The amount of taxes paid by Colorado taxpayers is low compared to other states.  Colorado’s state taxes, per $1,000 of income, rank second from the bottom (49th) in the nation.  Alaska has the highest and New Hampshire the lowest.”

“The income tax rate was subsequently reduced to 4.75 percent for calendar year 1999 and 4.63 percent beginning on Jan. 1, 2000.  This is the current tax rate.  Referendum C, adopted by the voters in 2005, allows the income tax rate to decline to 4.5 percent under specified circumstances after 2010.”

“Colorado ranks 42nd out of 46 states for corporate income taxes per $1,000 of income. The national average for all 46 states is $3.29.  Colorado businesses pay $1.55 per $1,000 of income.”

“In addition, many more income tax exemptions and special deductions are not reported at the state-level since they are applied to the calculation of federal taxable income.”

“There were a total of 71 exemptions from state sales and use taxes in Colorado in 2008.  In 2009, Colorado’s exemptions accounted for $1.8 billion in revenue.”

“Colorado’s sales tax ranks 44th of 45 states per $1,000 of personal income.  Five states have no state sales tax.  The average amount of sales tax paid by all states is $19.68 per $1,000 of income.  Colorado taxpayers pay $10.86.”

“Colorado is one of only four states in which the state government generates less tax revenue than the local governments.  Revenue collections by Colorado state government rank 47th per $1000 of income.  However, revenue collections by state and local governments combined move Colorado to 44th per $1000 of personal income.”

Observations From the Colorado Legislative Staff Regarding Colorado’s Level of Taxation:

“Since 1935, Colorado has enacted 71 sales tax exemptions. For FY 2009-10, estimates show that the total revenue impact of these exemptions was over $1.86 billion.”

Source: Colorado Legislative Council Staff:  

Link:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

“Colorado’s combined state and local taxes were the seventh lowest in the nation – $95.53 per $1,000 of income, which was 14.7 percent below the national average of $111.99 in FY 2007-08.”

“Colorado had the second lowest state tax collections ($40.89) per $1,000 of personal income in FY 2008-09 in the country.  The state tax burden was nearly the same (the state ranked 47th ) ten years ago in FY 1997-98, although collections were higher at $54.68 per $1,000 of income.”

Link:

http://www.colorado.gov/cs/Sat…

Clearly, over the decades, the Colorado General Assembly has obliterated its tax base . . . it now seeks to obliterate its contractual pension obligations.  Nevertheless, the Colorado General Assembly is the creator of the Colorado Public Employees’ Retirement Association.  The Colorado General Assembly freely entered into contractual relationships with all PERA members.  Having created these contracts, the General Assembly must now honor them.

“No State shall . . . pass any . . . Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts.”

The Debut of the The Big Line: 2014

Every 10 years Colorado is without a high-profile statewide election (U.S. Senate, Governor, AG, Treasurer, Sec. of State), and we’re damn glad to see that election cycle in our rear-view mirror. That’s five whole races that we couldn’t pontificate about in the 2012 cycle.

Take a look at left to see the first version of The Big Line: 2014. The first new Big Line of the cycle is usually more question than answer, but steady losses by Republicans in 2010 and 2012 have narrowed down considerably the list of potential 2014 candidates.  

Click after the jump for a brief rundown of the who and why in The Big Line: 2014.

WAS PERA’S PENSION CONTRACT BREACH PREMEDITATED?

DID THE COLORADO GENERAL ASSEMBLY ACTUALLY REQUEST THAT COLORADO PERA MAKE RECOMMENDATIONS TO ADDRESS THE DECREASE IN PERA ASSETS IN 2009?

OR, DID PERA LOBBYISTS PUT THIS LANGAUGE INTO LAW TO PROVIDE COVER FOR A PREMEDITATED BREACH OF PENSION CONTRACTS?  

ENQUIRING MINDS.

Admittedly, my trust in Colorado PERA has worn

thin.

Nevertheless, given: Colorado PERA’s track record in its attempt to escape its contractual obligations,

–  its apparent indifference to all moral, and legal restraints,

–  its disregard for an on-point Colorado Attorney General opinion,

–  its disavowal of unmistakable, adverse legal authority,

–  its cavalier abandonment of the rule of law,

–  its creative interpretations of the term “fiduciary duty,”

–  its habits of deception and demonstrated desire to mislead,

–  its lack of good faith and fair dealing with PERA pensioners,

–  its eagerness to “change the ground rules in the middle of the game,”

–  its use of trust fund beneficiary assets to finance litigation to breach the contracts of those beneficiaries,

–  its use of trust fund beneficiary assets to finance PERA propaganda, as well as political, and lobbying campaigns to breach PERA pensioner contracts,

–  its unabashed manipulation of elected officials to achieve desired policy outcomes,

–  its summary rejection of legal, prospective, “less drastic” alternatives to the breach of pensioner contracts (that have been adopted across the nation),

–  its hypocrisy in placing a 100 percent funding threshold into pension reform legislation in light of its own past policies of underfunding the pension,

–  its complicity in creation of the “problem” it now uses to justify pension contract breach,

–  its ridiculous boasts of “transparency,”

–  its willingness to use a position of power and trust to take earned benefits from elderly, powerless pensioners,

–  its historical failure to emphatically and regularly implore the General Assembly and other PERA-affiliated employers to meet their annual required contributions,

–  its disingenuous characterization of market volatility as a rationale for pension contract breach,

–  its employment of the complex and confusing nature of public pension administration as a means to mislead,

–  its construal of what is in essence a “crime” as something laudable . . . a “model” for other states,

–  its desire to inflate away legitimate government debts through seizure of contracted COLA benefits,

–  its attempt to shift the public debt onto the backs of a relatively small group of pensioners,

–  its pride in having successfully breached pensioner contracts,

–  its use of tactics to breach contracts that shock the conscience,

–  its casual preference to welch on the public debt, and most reprehensible of all,

–  its betrayal of the trust of PERA pensioners who held up their end of the bargain,

. . . given the countless misdeeds of Colorado PERA that we have documented here, I do not believe that raising legitimate questions regarding the motives of Colorado PERA’s board members and administrators is unwarranted.

2010 PERA Board: We had to breach contracts due to the market downturn.

Meredith Williams, Colorado PERA’s former Executive Director assured PERA retirees in the past that market volatility has no impact on their contracted pension benefits:

“The value of your PERA benefit is based on highest average salary and years of service (a “defined” formula) and does not fluctuate based on market performance.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pera/abo…

And yet again in 2010, State Treasurer and PERA Board member (at the time) Cary Kennedy tells us that SB 10-001 was enacted as a result of market volatility:

“Responding to this unprecedented drop, some states, including Colorado, took steps to shore up the solvency of their pension funds.”

Link:

http://blog.ednewscolorado.org…

The Colorado PERA Board claims credit for SB 10-001 as well as for the “100 percent” actuarial funded ratio threshold in SB 10-001:

Colorado PERA, “The Colorado PERA Board’s recommendation largely became SB 10-001.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pdf/5/5-…

From the PERA website:

“The work of the Colorado PERA Board culminated in the crafting of Senate Bill 10-001 (SB 10-001.)  The Colorado PERA Board supported the recommended bipartisan changes to the bill by Senate President Brandon Shaffer and Senator Josh Penry since the changes still accomplished the Colorado PERA Board’s goal of reaching 100 percent funding levels for each of Colorado PERA’s divisions in 30 years.”

Link:

http://www.copera.org/pdf/5/5-…

Again, will the members of the PERA Board please explain how the decision to place a 100 percent actuarial funded ratio in SB 10-001 was reached in light of the PERA Board’s historical policy of capping the actuarial funded ratio of the PERA Trust Funds at a 90 percent level?  Did no board member take note of the hypocritical nature of this recommendation?   It has historically been Board policy to maintain a degree of PERA pension underfunding (10 percent), and yet it is now Board policy to breach retiree contracts to the point that a 100 percent actuarial funded ratio is achieved.  As we have seen, the 1999 George K. Baum study performed under the auspices of Colorado PERA (it’s on PERA letterhead) for State Treasurer Mike Coffman asks:

“Why does PERA appear to have a policy to keep a 10% unfunded liability?”

Colorado PERA’s propaganda has emphasized that the Colorado Legislature requested that the PERA Board of Directors make recommendations to shore up the PERA trust funds.  I ask if this Colorado PERA assertion is an attempt to mislead.

Colorado PERA went so far as to emphasize the General Assembly’s “legislative mandate” in a Response Brief submitted to the Denver District Court:

“By LEGISLATIVE MANDATE the PERA Board extensively studied the underfunding and consulted with its members . . . before proposing a solution to the General Assembly.”

Link:

http://www.ednewscolorado.org/…

I ask: Did Colorado PERA plant this request language into SB 09-282 at the end of the 2009 legislative session in order to lend a patina of legitimacy to what was in fact a premeditated attempt to breach pension COLA contractual obligations?

Recall Senator Lundberg’s statement on the Senate floor during the SB 10-001 debate: “This bill is a deal that was cut before this body met.”

Was Colorado PERA’s ostensible, impartial examination of pension reform options in 2009 in reality an elaborate ruse constructed by PERA lobbyists to add legitimacy to a process with a predetermined conclusion?  To falsely portray a preordained conclusion to breach pension COLA contracts as the result of an extensive, deliberative process?

We should know the answers to these questions.  (If Colorado PERA is such a “transparent” organization as it boasts, why do we not know the answer to these questions?)

I wonder, did the request for a PERA study actually come from the Colorado General Assembly?  Was this request the product of SB 10-001 co-prime sponsor Senator Josh Penry’s mind?  Did he conceive this idea to request PERA recommendations?  Or, was this idea planted in the Penry brain by PERA’s lobbyists?

After all, if you intend make extreme recommendations . . . that the State of Colorado, and PERA-affiliated employers breach their contractual pension obligations, would it not be useful to later claim that the state Legislature requested that bold recommendations be made?  

That such recommendations should be sufficiently extreme to restore the PERA trust funds to a 100 percent actuarial funded ratio?  (In spite of the fact that the PERA Trust Funds had visited this lofty 100 percent perch only twice in its 81-year history?  And, that the PERA Board had historically sought to cap the PERA Trust Fund AFR at a 90 percent level?)

Would that not provide useful cover?  “They told us to make the recommendation!”  

Where was the scheme to breach PERA contracts actually born?  Will we ever know?

Does the genesis of SB 10-001’s COLA theft provisions lie in the minds of a pension administrator?  Or, in the hopeful heart of a self-interested lobbyist?

Did the PERA Board of Trustees conceive the idea to take contracted COLA benefits?  If so, which PERA board member gets the credit?  Or, was the idea to breach pension COLA contractual obligations brought to the PERA Board by an outside organization?  A public sector union lobbyist perhaps?

Well, it should be possible to discover the answer.

In 2009, the Colorado General Assembly enacted legislation (SB 09-282) to merge Denver Public Schools with Colorado PERA (specifically, to merge the assets and liabilities of Denver Public Schools into Colorado PERA.)

A provision of SB 09-282 required that the PERA Board of Trustees submit recommendations to the Colorado General Assembly regarding methods of responding to the decrease in the value of the association’s assets on or before November 1, 2009.  

Here’s the language in the bill:

24-51-211, C.R.S.  (2) ON OR BEFORE NOVEMBER 1, 2009, THE BOARD SHALL SUBMIT SPECIFIC, COMPREHENSIVE RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY REGARDING POSSIBLE METHODS TO RESPOND TO THE DECREASE IN THE VALUE OF THE ASSOCIATION’S ASSETS, INCLUDING REAL ESTATE, PRIVATE EQUITY, AND OTHER INVESTMENTS, TO DECREASE THE AMORTIZATION PERIOD OF EACH DIVISION OF THE ASSOCIATION AND TO ENSURE THAT EACH DIVISION OF THE ASSOCIATION WILL BECOME AND REMAIN FULLY FUNDED.

Note that this language asks for “possible methods” to respond to the decrease in the value of PERA’s assets.  The General Assembly did not ask that the PERA Board dictate a plan that would breach PERA’s contractual pension obligations.  Implicit in the request from the General Assembly was the fact that the requested “possible methods” would be constitutional.

On April 21, 2009, Senator Penry, the co-prime sponsor of SB 10-001 amended SB 09-282 on the floor of the Senate.

His prepared amendment to the bill required the PERA Board to make recommendations to the Legislature regarding “possible methods” to respond to the decrease in the value of PERA’s assets.  His amendment required that this report be provided to the Legislature by September 1, 2009.  Two days later, Senator Sandoval amended the bill (SB 09-282) to move the deadline for submission of the report from September 1, 2009 to November 1, 2009.  (The PERA Board wanted more time?  It looks like the PERA Board may claim some ownership in the statutory language requiring the “study.”)

Questions for Senator Penry: Did you originate the idea to require the PERA Board to make recommendations to the General Assembly regarding possible methods to respond to the decrease in PERA assets of your own accord?  Or, did you offer this amendment on behalf of a PERA lobbyist?  Another lobbyist?  Another legislative member?

The drafter of SB 09-282 was a lawyer from the General Assembly’s Office of Legislative Legal Services.  Her name is Nicole Myers.  

Questions for Ms. Myers:  Who asked you to draft the amendment requesting that the General Assembly make recommendations regarding methods to respond to the decrease in PERA assets?  A lobbyist?  A PERA lobbyist?  Did a PERA lobbyist make this request on behalf of Senator Penry?  Did a PERA lobbyist provide a draft of their desired language in this regard?  Please check your records.

It would be interesting if, after years of emphasizing that the Colorado General Assembly requested that the PERA Board of Trustees make recommendations to address the decrease in PERA assets, it turned out that it was in fact PERA’s lobbyists who actually put this language into SB 09-282.  It would be interesting to learn if this language was placed in SB 09-282 in order to provide cover for a premeditated attempt to breach PERA retiree contracts.

Questions for Senator Sandoval:  Did you decide to move the deadline for the PERA Board to report out by two months of your own accord?  Or, was this a request from Colorado PERA lobbyists?  

It would be worth listening to the recordings of hearings on SB 09-282 by the House and Senate Finance committees.  (For that matter, it would be worth listening to all of the committee discussion from 2009 on PERA bills adopted or postponed indefinitely that year.)

Here are a few excerpts from a summary of the Senate Finance Committee hearing on SB 09-282 on April 14, 2009:

“03:28 PM

Mr. Williams responded to questions about the contribution rates for the retirement plans.  He stated that the PERA Board is committed to presenting a proposal to the General Assembly that addresses retirement benefit issues for Colorado PERA.”

“05:20 PM

Ms. Kennedy continued discussing the timing of when to bring the DPS system into PERA’s plan.  She also responded to questions about the management of the current pension systems and retirement benefits.  Discussion ensued about solvency issues.”

This fact jumps out:

On April 14 at 3:28 PM, Meredith Williams (Colorado PERA’s Executive Director at the time) testified to the Senate Finance Committee that “the PERA Board is committed to presenting a proposal to the General Assembly that addresses retirement benefit issues for Colorado PERA.”

Meredith Williams made this statement one week BEFORE the requirement to report to the General Assembly was even in the bill.

That requirement was placed in the bill on the Senate floor one week after Meredith William’s testimony (on April 21, 2009.)

I suppose that listening to the tape of this bill hearing before the Senate Finance Committee on April 14, 2009 might provide some insights.

Alternatively, we could put the question to Senator Penry, or bill drafter Nicole Myers, or Senator Sandoval.

Premeditated?

Jeffco: Only Large Colorado County with Three Commissioners

Adams County voters overwhelmingly endorsed County Question 1A this year, with over 58% of the vote cast in favor of the expansion of the Adams County Board of Commissioners. The ballot measure was hailed by Republicans and Democrats alike as means of creating greater accountability and transparency in a county plagued by pay-to-play scandals involving a score of its elected officials.

The new policy, set to take effect after the 2014 election, empowers voters across the county to elect five commissioners instead of the three currently required by law. Once Adams County seats those commissioners in early 2015, Jeffco will become the only one of Colorado’s five most-populous counties governed by a three-member board.

El Paso County, with a population of about 637,000, has five commissioners. The City and County of Denver, with 620,000 residents, is governed by 13 city council members and one mayor. Arapahoe County’s 585,000 people are represented in county government by a five commissioner board. And, with the passage of Question 1A, Adams County’s population of 451,000 will soon have five commissioners of their own. In contrast, 541,000 residents in Jefferson County are represented by just three people at the highest level of local government.

To put that number in perspective, remember that Jeffco accounts for over 10% of the entire population of Colorado. There are, in fact, just about as many people living in Jefferson County as there are in all of Wyoming — and the Cowboy State has a congressman and two senators, let alone its 90 state legislators and countless members of local government.

With Adams County moving to an expanded commission in order to improve government, there’s no sensible argument as to why Jeffco should leave governing up to three people. In response to a request that they refer a similar measure to their county’s voters, the current slate of county commissioners blanched, citing unfounded and patently absurd fears that there wasn’t enough office space to accommodate two new elected officials and that electing commissioners district-by-district would create “personal fiefdoms.”

Those arguments are as ridiculous upon examination as they are facially. There’s over 227,000 square feet of administrative space at the Jefferson County Government Center alone, not to mention the handful of satellite offices nearby. Two additional elected officials could be accommodated with ease — even if there isn’t room for new offices (which there certainly is), couldn’t commissioners share workspaces?

Ignoring the office space canard, there’s no evidence that an augmented commission will, contrary to the commissioners’ claims, adversely impact county government. Nearly a hundred thousand Adams County voters supported expansion because it would improve responsiveness and accountability among their elected officials. That Jeffco stands alone as the only Colorado county of more than 400,000 people clinging to a three-member board is testament to the fact that larger boards make sense for large populations.

Although the current commissioners have refused to conduct a good-faith examination of board expansion, Jeffco may just get two more elected officials without their imprimatur. Colorado Revised Statute 30-10-306.5 provides a mechanism for citizens to petition an expansion measure onto the ballot. To do so, proponents would have to secure the signatures of eight percent of the total number of votes last cast for secretary of state. In Jeffco, that’s about 17450 signatures overall — a tall order, sure, but not insurmountable given the need to modernize Jefferson County government and the commissioners’ current obstinance on the matter.

Failing a petition, county government composition can be dictated by statute. There have been rumblings for several years now that the state legislature will require counties of a certain size to have five or more commissioners. The recent move in Adams County only bolsters arguments in favor of such a solution, and Jefferson County alone probably won’t be able to fight it.

Which, considering the insultingly untenable arguments the current commission has given in opposition to a larger board, is probably a good thing.  

Commissioner Race Headed to a Recount

With State Senator Evie Hudak narrowly clinching victory against Lang Sias in SD-19, there remains but one race left to be decided in Jefferson County, that between Democrat Casey Tighe and incumbent Republican John Odom for county commissioner.

Thursday’s unofficial tally, which includes all regular ballots cast in the county as well as those of overseas and military voters, gives Tighe a 251 vote edge. Although about 7,500 provisional ballots are presently being tabulated, the .08% margin separating the two candidates is over six times smaller than the .5% margin which necessitates an official recount. Neither candidate is expected to pull enough provisional votes to move the needle decisively in their favor.

The official election results will be certified no later than Friday, November 23rd. If the commissioner race remains this tightly contested, a recount of all Jefferson County ballots is statutorily required to be completed by December 6th.

By dint of his current lead, Tighe is the odds-on favorite to ascend to the Board of County Commissioners. As Josh Liss, Jeffco’s deputy of elections, tells the Arvada Press, “[W]hat we’ve seen in recent years is that the provisional ballots seem to reflect what we see on election night.” [Emphasis Added]

Worse still for the incumbent, if Tighe maintains his advantage after provisional ballots are counted and the results are certified, there’s almost no chance that a recount will lead to an outcome in Odom’s favor, as the Arvada Press continues:

The optical vote-counting machines used by Jeffco, which Liss described as “simple and reliable,” would be checked for accuracy.

Then the recount would begin, which in the case of the Odom and Tighe contest would involve recounting every ballot in the county. The process is expected to take three to four days.

Liss said the county’s equipment is rarely wrong the first time around though. “I don’t think we’ve ever seen a recount in Jeffco where the result changes.”

When Tighe is inevitably declared the victor, he’ll become the only elected Democrat anywhere in Jefferson County government. But he probably won’t hold that distinction for long.

That the race is even this close at all, let alone the fact that Tighe will almost certainly win the seat, signals a shifting tide in Jefferson County. Jeffco voters, of course, have long been content to send Republicans to the Taj Mahal by default. Former County Commissioner Kathy Hartman was the first Democrat elected to the Board in 14 years, and even she was ignominiously dispatched by Don Rosier in 2010.

Odom’s failure to truly fight for relection can be attributed to these electoral trends. Why should he have had anything to worry about when few Republicans have ever lost their bids for second terms? Although Tighe’s triumph speaks to his counterpart’s electoral arrogance, it’s also evidence that Republicans can no longer take their cozy perch in county government for granted.

Without any campaign or infrastructure to speak of, Odom garnered just under 50% of the vote. By comparison, Tighe’s ragtag effort earned him a hair over 50%. That means that just being a Republican is no longer enough to win in Jeffco — GOP candidates at the county level will actually have to work keep their hitherto ironclad control of county government.

Tighe, with no built-in name ID, few fundraising connections, and a less-than-professional operation, was a far cry from a perfect candidate. And yet the Democrat is on course to eke out a victory. Just imagine the trouncing Odom would’ve received if he was challenged someone with a better profile.

Odom’s campaign should serve as a warning for Commissioners Don Rosier, Faye Griffin, and other Republicans in county government: You’re now accountable to voters in Jefferson County. Act accordingly.  

Republicans shouldn’t feel good about Denver Post exit poll showing gender gap decline

I’m late getting to this, but I’ve been hearing conservatives trying to make themselves feel better about their election collapse by saying they successfully cut the gender gap in Colorado.

I’m thinking they might have scanned every word in The Denver Post, searching for something good, and found this sentence in a Nov. 6 article:

Although many polls nationally predicted a significant gender gap, Colorado exit polls showed women and men split equally.

Later, Democratic consultant Craig Hughes tweeted:

Craig Hughes@CraigHughesinCO

Dear Media: The Colorado exit polls are simply not accurate. Trust them at your own risk. Thank you. #copolitics

I asked Hughes to amplify, and he sent me these thoughts in an email.

First, we know the exits originally said that Colorado was tied at 48% for each candidate – when final results are tallied, Obama will carry Colorado by over 5%, so that’s a significant miss.  Second, the exits show that Obama’s Colorado margin was bigger among men (+5%) than women (+3%) which runs contrary to every single public and private poll conducted over the past two years.  In reality, Obama almost certainly carried women with a double digit margin.  Third, the exits list “NA” for voters aged 18-29, even though they make up 20% of the electorate, a larger portion than voters 65+.  Given those sample sizes, how is it they are unable to show results for voters aged 18-29?

Fourth, there are also exit poll results published by Latino Decisions that show Obama received 87% of the Latino vote, while the networks survey shows 75%.  I’d say 75% seems about right, but that’s a pretty big discrepancy.

If people want a look at what the electorate likely was, I’d suggest looking at the poll by Keating Research conducted just prior to the election that showed Obama +4%.  His numbers are more reliable to me than anything I have seen out of the exit polls in this, or previous, cycles (again, ask President Kerry about exit poll reliability).

So if you happen to be one of those Republicans who was feeling good because of those 18 encouraging words in the Denver Post, about women liking you more than before, I’m sorry I had to be the one, with the help of Hughes, to set the record straight.

Will TBD Up The Ante? It All Depends on Hickenlooper

As the Durango Herald’s Jordyn Dahl reports:

Leaders of TBD Colorado say the key finding of the initiative is that Colorado’s economy is “unsustainable without major fiscal and constitutional reforms.”

The eight-member board of directors of To Be Determined Colorado released its recommendations Wednesday to Democratic Gov. John Hickenlooper, who established the initiative to determine a grand plan for the state.

The board based its recommendations on 70 public meetings with 1,200 Coloradans across the state during the last year. The initiative, which had a budget of $1.2 million and was funded by donations, focused on five issues: education, health, transportation, state budget and state workforce.

Opponents of TBD Colorado said the initiative was a way for Hickenlooper to lay the groundwork for a tax increase. While the recommendations do not directly call for tax increases, it does say revenue options have to be weighed against public services Coloradans want. [Pols emphasis]

Here’s what the summary report from TBD Colorado itself says:

In recent years, the state’s revenues have not kept pace with the underlying growth in the Colorado economy because many of the fastest-growing sectors are either exempt from tax or are taxed at a lower rate than other sectors. Even though Colorado’s revenues are now increasing as the economy begins to recover, the state will be unable to grow its way out of the coming fiscal gridlock unless structural changes are made. Projected demographic shifts, such as an aging population and the increased medical costs that flow from that, will only accelerate the stresses on the state’s budget.

Respecting the role of Colorado voters, who have ultimate authority on increasing taxes, revenue options must be weighed against public services Coloradans wish to receive.

We haven’t had much to say about Gov. John Hickenlooper’s TBD Colorado initiative, because there hasn’t been much to say. Hickenlooper’s administration convened these facilitated meetings all over the state as their way of taking the citizenry’s pulse on a wide variety of fiscal issues, as well as asking what essential services citizens expect the government to provide.

The TBD Colorado initiative takes place against a backdrop of a known and very bleak fiscal reality for the state of Colorado. As a recent study by the University of Denver determined, revenues in Colorado are structurally insufficient to provide even the present level of services to the state’s growing population. By 2025, that study indicated the state will be billions short of basic needs. In addition, the Lobato education funding lawsuit has exposed a lack of “rational relationship” between the state’s funding mechanism for public education and the constitutional requirement to provide a “thorough and uniform” education to all students.

Bottom line: Republicans are increasingly wary of the TBD Colorado initiative, because it is just the latest in a series of findings that the state’s fiscal situation is not sustainable–and the only solution, once all efficiencies and waste have been squeezed out of the system, is to increase revenue. We’ve said it a hundred times, and we’ll say it again: Colorado’s tax burden is significantly below the national average, and that low tax burden has a direct relationship to the state’s chronic inability to fund essential services. Something has to give.

It will be up to Hickenlooper turn his focus groups into a tangible plan of action. After the humiliating defeat of Proposition 103 in 2011, a defeat largely attributed to the failure of Democrats like Hickenlooper to invest their political capital in investing in education, it’s clearer than ever what the key ingredient in any real solution is going to be.

And that ingredient is leadership.

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