(D) J. Hickenlooper*
(D) Julie Gonzales
(R) Janak Joshi
80%
40%
20%
(D) Jena Griswold
(D) M. Dougherty
(D) Hetal Doshi
50%
40%↓
30%
(D) Jeff Bridges
(D) Brianna Titone
(R) Kevin Grantham
50%↑
40%↓
30%
(D) Diana DeGette*
(D) Wanda James
(D) Milat Kiros
80%
20%
10%↓
(D) Joe Neguse*
(R) Somebody
90%
2%
(R) Jeff Hurd*
(D) Alex Kelloff
(R) H. Scheppelman
60%↓
40%↓
30%↑
(R) Lauren Boebert*
(D) E. Laubacher
(D) Trisha Calvarese
90%
30%↑
20%
(R) Jeff Crank*
(D) Jessica Killin
55%↓
45%↑
(D) Jason Crow*
(R) Somebody
90%
2%
(D) B. Pettersen*
(R) Somebody
90%
2%
(R) Gabe Evans*
(D) Shannon Bird
(D) Manny Rutinel
45%↓
30%
30%
DEMOCRATS
REPUBLICANS
80%
20%
DEMOCRATS
REPUBLICANS
95%
5%
George Will argues for civil rights initiatives in Colorado and four other states that would take politicians out of the dishonest affirmative action business.
If the initiatives qualify for those states’ ballots, all probably will pass. But the initiatives must surmount ferocious opposition from defenders of racial preferences, such as the politicians who administer and benefit from Missouri’s racial spoils system. The crux of the Missouri Civil Rights Initiative (MoCRI) would amend that state’s constitution to say: “The state shall not discriminate against, or grant preferential treatment to, any individual or group on the basis of race, sex, color, ethnicity or national origin in the operation of public employment, public education or public contracting.”
Similar language has been approved by voters in California (in 1996), Washington state (1998) and Michigan (2006). California’s initiative passed 55 percent to 45 percent, even though opponents outspent supporters 13 to 1. Washington’s initiative won 58 to 42 against 10-to-1 spending. Michigan’s initiative won 58 to 42, although supporters were outspent 5 to 1. Those spending disparities understate the initiatives’ disadvantages, because in each state, opponents were assisted by the “diversity” industry that administers racial preferences in the public and private sectors.
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